The Israeli presence in the African continent has been significantly enhanced in recent years, and although the movement of economic and trade relations between Israel and Africa is still weak, Israeli diplomacy has recently managed to enter many African regions and recorded a strong presence in cooperation in the security and technical fields. This effectiveness in Israeli diplomacy towards Africa is matched by a significant decline in the Arab role in Africa, and the absence of unified Arab visions and strategies to influence the continent towards which everyone is racing.
a bit of history
The Bandung Conference of 1955, which heralded the birth of a new international coalition against imperialism, was the catalyst behind Israel’s interest in Africa (1) . The Bandung Conference resulted in clear and broad support for the Palestinian cause, as its final statement demanded the support of the Palestinian Arab people and their legitimate struggle and just cause until they attain their full and undiminished rights.
Israel saw in Bandung a resounding success for the Arab position and the creation of a geopolitical role for Egypt, which was the Arab spearhead in the Arab-Israeli conflict. In search of a breakthrough on the African continent to achieve a balance in alliances, Israel decided to enter Africa to attract new friends, considering that this might contribute to breaking the barrier of isolation imposed on it in Bandung.
Golda Meir is considered the first architect of Israeli-African relations; During her management of the Israeli diplomatic file, Meir made sure that Israel was present in African events and events with a large official representation. Relations during Meir’s time took a steady upward trend. During her reign, a department in charge of cooperation with Africa was established at the level of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in 1958 (2) , and in In 1960, a special department for foreign aid to Africa was established at the level of the same ministry.
There have been many Israeli methods to find a foothold in Africa, playing on the chord of belonging to one sect (the Jews of Ethiopia), as well as focusing on African Protestants close to the evangelicals, and benefiting from the relations of the Israeli left currents and parties related to the international left, and the role of the traditional colonial powers of Africa is not forgotten. (Britain, France and Belgium) in the entry of Israel into Africa; Together, these forces helped persuade many African capitals to normalize with Israel.
After the African boycott of Israel due to the 1973 war, these countries took care to protect Israeli interests in Africa, in addition to the great role of America, the largest sponsor of Israel, the United States harnessed all its efforts to open channels for Israel with Africa. The United States of America contributes a significant portion of Israel’s budget allocated to support cooperation with Africa.
This context was established by the resolution adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 1979, which stated that Zionism is a form of racism and racial discrimination. This resolution remained in effect until the United Nations General Assembly repealed it, under great pressure from the United States, in 1991.
Monitoring the historical relations of Israel:
Ethiopia : It was the first African country to host a diplomatic representation of Israel in Africa, in 1957. Ethiopia is one of the strongest and oldest African countries in relations with Israel (3) . Considering Ethiopia as a land for the Falasha Jews is one of the secrets of this strong relationship.
One of the secrets of this relationship is also the pivotal location of Ethiopia from the Bab al-Mandab Strait, which connects the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean through the Gulf of Aqaba. Israel is aware of the strategic importance of this strait as a trade and economic gateway with Africa. Moreover, by focusing on Ethiopia and some African countries in the region, Israel wanted to create a belt of friends outside the neighboring Arab countries.
Nigeria : Israel infiltrated this Muslim-majority country on the eve of its independence, and succeeded in establishing economic facilities, and owned a huge company for construction and development, called “Newersal.” Israel was a major supporter of the separatists in the Biafra Civil War, in 1967, and there is a community in Nigeria. In recent years, Nigeria has signed a $500 million arms deal with Israel.
Ghana : Golda Meir’s presence at the Independence Day celebrations in 1957 contributed to the development of relations between the two countries, but the most prominent element of the background of these relations is due to the religious background of the great African leader and founding father of Ghana, Kwame Nkrumah. Venkrumah was raised by Protestant missionaries who believe in the alleged return of the Jews to Palestine.
Kenya : The year of its independence, 1963, recognized Israel, and Kenya is an important partner to Israel, as it was at the forefront of countries that re-normalized its relations with Israel in 1988, after the collective boycott decision in 1973. Relations have been further strengthened in the security aspects with Israel, In 2002, after the Mombasa bombings, which killed foreign tourists, including Israelis.
Uganda : It was among the proposed options as a promised land for the Jews during their diaspora, due to its natural resources, and the hearts of the Jews continued to love this African country even after their usurpation of Palestine with the British blessing. To 1976, against the backdrop of the Israeli commando liberating hostages kidnapped by Palestinian guerrillas at Entebbe airport; As the operation resulted in the killing of the attacker, as well as Ugandan soldiers, the operation aroused Ugandan discontent due to the Israeli behavior without referring to it.
The reality of Israeli-African relations
Israel has made diplomatic gains in Africa in recent years; It has strengthened its presence in West African countries after it focused only on the countries of the east of the continent, and it was able to obtain the membership of an observer in the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), during the participation of the Israeli Prime Minister – at that time – Benjamin Netanyahu, in the 51st summit of the group held in 2017. , Monrovia.
Despite the failure of the Israel-Africa summit in Lomé in 2017, Israel provides its services to African capitals in all areas (agribusiness, energy, security, telecommunications) and intends to strengthen its presence on the continent. And Israel closed diplomatic missions in other countries of the world to direct their expenses to open new diplomatic representations in Africa. In addition to the traditional economic and security cooperation with Africa, which Tel Aviv is keen on ensuring African voices at the United Nations, especially with regard to the Palestinian issue.
Arab relations in Africa: the path of ups and downs
At the beginning of the conflict with Israel, the Arabs won the position of the African front, with the exception of a few and marginal countries (Malawi, Botswana, Swaziland, Lesotho and South Africa, when they were subject to the apartheid regime) (4) , but this influence faded with time due to several factors, including the Camp David agreement and security and economic problems that faced the countries of African countries in the eighties of the last century, and the signing of the Oslo Accords (1993). These combined factors led to a decrease in the level of African reservations about normalization with Israel.
It is true that there is now an uncoordinated Arab desire at the level of countries to enhance cooperation with Africa, whether it comes to its member countries or its regional and continental systems. This desire is manifested in the accelerated normalization movement launched three years ago by three North African countries, expressing their interest in joining the group. The Economic Development of West African Countries ( ECOWAS ), in a trend that reflects the desire of decision-makers in the countries of Morocco , Mauritania and Tunisia to join this pivotal bloc, which includes countries that are politically, economically and diplomatically influential in shaping the continent’s strategies, such as Nigeria and Senegal .
Morocco’s return to the African Union membership five years ago was an important step, as it constituted Morocco’s reconciliation with its African space, and strengthened the Arab presence in the African house.
The Arab African countries invoke their differences in the African Union and are keen to settle their accounts with African tools; It weakened the Arab role in the union, and made it impossible for the African Arabs to carry a unified and influential Arab vision within the African Union that would give the Arabs a unified voice and allow them to build strategies directed to Africa.
The Arabs were able to take advantage of the huge investment opportunities in Africa, which provides a platform for strategic, diplomatic, political and economic influence on a continent that is becoming increasingly important; The differences were also lost on the Arab African countries to be an effective bridge of communication between Africa and the rest of the Arab League countries .
Morocco’s return to the African Union awakened the conflict of agendas within the African Union, and transferred the frantic competition between Algeria and Morocco from the geography of North Africa to the umbrella umbrella for Africans.
The impact of inter-Arab differences on the effectiveness of the performance of the Arab countries in the African Union is not limited to North African countries only; The continuing diplomatic tension that marked Khartoum ’s relations with Cairo historically also cast a shadow over the coordination of the positions of these two pivotal countries on African issues, and reduced their continental and regional weight in Africa.
This is what makes the African countries that are geographically close to them benefit from these contradictions and use them to serve their strategic interests, such as the case of Ethiopia , which is benefiting today from Sudan ’s support for it in building the “Renaissance Dam” on its part of the Nile , while Egypt fears the negative impact of this dam on its water reserves. Although Egypt and Algeria rank first and second in Africa in terms of armaments, and in their financial contribution to the budget of the African Union; As they bear – out of four African countries – coverage of about half of the budget of the African Union.
The recent Gulf crisis also reflected part of this Arab case. As the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Emirates established the principle of diplomatic dependency and the logic of guardianship as the two foundations regulating their relations with African countries, the carrot and stick policy was governing their behavior with Africans. Strict punishment for those who refuse to implement its requests in the diplomatic field, even if this requires cutting off humanitarian aid and reducing the quotas of pilgrims . We have seen how Saudi Arabia and the UAE put great pressure on countries in North and West Africa to cut their diplomatic relations with Qatar.
Moreover, the weakness of the effectiveness of the Arab League and the many disparities of its member states created a state of paralysis for this entity and lost many opportunities for exploiting development efforts and large Arab investments in Africa and employing them in strategic relations that serve both sides and enhance historical communication between the two sides.
The interaction of the relationship between the Arab League and the African Union, the heir of the Organization of African Unity, is very weak, with Cairo hosting the first Arab-African summit in 1977, which came out with the 13-item Cairo Declaration. The Arab and African countries pledged to develop their relations at the bilateral and multilateral levels, and called for strengthening the struggle against imperialism and supporting liberation movements in the world. The “Cairo Declaration” also provided support for the struggle of the peoples of Palestine , Zimbabwe, South Africa , Somalia and the Comoros Islands to gain their freedom and independence.
The second summit was organized in the Libyan city of Sirte , in 2010, 33 years after the first summit was held. It approved the draft “Africa-Arab Partnership Strategy”, and the Sirte Declaration stressed the “importance of concerted Arab and African efforts to bring about a comprehensive and fundamental reform of nations.”
As for the third Arab-African Summit, it was held in Kuwait City, in 2013, under the slogan “Partners in Development and Investment”. While the work of the fourth summit was held in Equatorial Guinea, in 2016, with the participation of 17 African and Arab heads of state, amid the boycott of eight countries, in protest against the insistence of the African Union on the participation of the “Polisario” Front. Morocco, Saudi Arabia , the Emirates , Bahrain , Qatar , the Sultanate of Oman , Jordan , Yemen and Somalia withdrew from the aforementioned meeting .
Arab normalization and its negative effects on Arab-African relations
Gamal Abdel Nasser took charge in the fifties and sixties of the last century to combat the Israeli penetration in the continent of Africa, and took advantage of the weight of Egypt at the time and its relations with the forces of national liberation on the continent, to besiege the Israeli presence there .
After the Arab normalization agreements with Israel, the late Libyan leader, Muammar Gaddafi, played the same role that Abdel Nasser was playing. Gaddafi paid great attention to the countries of the continent, weaving a network of close relations with them, and provided them with great financial support, and contributed greatly to fortifying Many African countries are from normalization, especially in the regions of West Africa and the Saharan Sahel .
However, the change in the view of some Arab countries that, for many years, saw Israel as the number one enemy and a threat to its national security, and committed to rejecting all forms of normalization before reaching a just and comprehensive solution to the Palestinian issue, and joining the normalization train, there is no doubt that it is one of the main factors that allowed Israel to achieve diplomatic gains. considered in Africa.
The Arab position, which remained somewhat coherent regarding the normalization of relations with Israel, was cracked after Egypt led the way in normalization by signing the Camp David Accords in 1979, followed by the Palestine Liberation Organization, 1993, with the Oslo Accords, and then Jordan in 1994.
Recently, the normalization steps have taken an accelerated and public turn that includes various fields, and these steps culminated in the official normalization of the Emirates, Bahrain, Sudan and Morocco.
However, even with the decline in the pressure of the Arab position and the decline in the centrality of the Palestinian issue among many Arab regimes, some African countries still carry the torch of anti-Israel within the brown continent and prevent its presence as a member of the African Union. Today, Algeria leads the Arab movement that rejects Israel’s entry into the African Union; The Algerian diplomacy, with the support of Arab-African and South African countries, was able to abort the process of Israel’s entry as an observer member of the African Union after it was granted this status by the African Union Commissioner, Moussa Faki, without consulting the member states.
The decision was the culmination of a great effort made by Algeria, politically and diplomatically, over a period of 3 months among the countries of the African continent to confront and oppose the sudden decision taken by the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, Moussa Faki, to accept Israel’s request to join the African Union as an observer member, and the subsequent submission of The Israeli ambassador to Ethiopia (the country of residence) credentials for the African Union . Israel has succeeded in establishing diplomatic relations with a record number of African countries, reaching 46 countries (out of 55 members of the African Union) .
About the author
Sidi Ould Abdel Malek
Mauritanian writer and researcher specializing in African affairs.REFERENCE
(1)-Bandung Conference: a historic moment of decolonization, Committee for the Abolition of Illegitimate Debt CADTM of January 10, 2022 (seen on August 15, 2022): https://bit.ly/3QEHpqo
(2)-Mustafa Qotbi writes: Why did Africa return to Israel?, Al-Mustaqbal newspaper, June 14, 2020, (entry date: August 10, 2022): https://bit.ly/3QCejs0
(3)The Israeli Penetration into the Black Continent: Ethiopia as a Case Study, Al Jazeera Center for Studies, January 24, 2012, (date of entry: August 10, 2022): https://bit.ly/3Bd3p65
(4)-These African countries who shun Palestine, SlateAfriquedu 11/30/2012 (seen on August 30, 2022): https://bit.ly/3BCitLW
