Public policy and defence studies
Catherine Hoeffler
This chapter introduces some of the key issues pertaining to the links between public policy analysis and Defence Studies. These have shown an ambiguous relationship. On the one hand, defence has always been considered as a very specific, if not unique, policy. This exceptionality has justified the reluctance of applying normalized theories and methods to it by some scholars. Also, because of its “international” dimension, defence has often quickly been associated with the discipline of International Relations. On the other hand, others have argued that notwithstanding certain methodological difficulties, defence should be analysed through public policy analysis’ tools because of its defining characteristics. Defence constitutes one of the core regal competences through which the nation-state has developed and consolidated itself since the 18th century: albeit its specificities, defence is therefore a public policy which can and should be interrogated as such, that is in relation not only to international relations but also in connection with domestic factors. As a branch of political science, public policy analysis has provided scholars with relevant theoretical frameworks and methodological tools to address questions relating to policymaking, its actors, processes, and consequences.
After a brief summary of how public policy analysis has historically been used in Defence Studies, this chapter will develop some of the traditional as well as more recent questions at their intersection. After that, it will discuss the methodological issues facing researchers in this field, and most notably the question of dealing with secrecy and confidential data.
Introduction: Public policy and Defence Studies, Je t’aime moi non plus
Public Policy1 and Defence Studies have entertained an ambiguous relationship. On the one hand, defence has always been considered as a very specific if not unique policy (Boëne 1990; Deschaux-Beaume 2011; Deschaux-Dutard 2018). This sup- posed exceptionality has justified some reluctance to employ similar theories and methods just like the ones used for “civilian” policies. Also, because of its interna- tional dimension, defence has often quickly been associated with the discipline of International Relations (IR), and Foreign Policy Analysis (Hudson 2005; Kaarbo 2015). These two factors can explain why, overall, it seems fair to say that Public Policy has not investigated defence policies very much. This is especially true when compared to the large number of publications on some other policies: think of how much attention has been devoted to the welfare state and its various policies (Esping-Andersen 1998; Morel et al. 2012; Pierson 1996; Thelen 2014). On the other hand, notwithstanding certain methodological difficulties (Carreiras and Castro 2014; Soeters et al. 2014), defence is a fascinating policy to analyse through Public Policy because of its defining characteristics (Irondelle 2008; Joana 2012; Vennesson 2000). Defence constitutes one of the core sovereign competences through which Western nation-states have developed and consolidated since the 18th century: it is therefore of crucial importance to understand such policies at the core of a historically embedded (and potentially temporary) form of political organization and their evolutions.
Scholars have debated whether defence policy is as specific as often assumed: In other words, the question has been whether “normal” scientific approaches could be applied to it and if so, which one (with competing accounts from IR, Public Policy, or sociology). This debate is particularly visible in the case of the European Union and the integration of national Member States’ defence policies. An originally Realist- based consensus took for granted that defence policy, because it belongs to high politics, would not be integrated, or at least not as much as other civilian, mostly economic policies. This conventional wisdom has been challenged in many ways, which we will explore later. But this debate is not settled yet. In a book analysing how the EU has encroached upon core state powers (Genschel and Jachtenfuchs 2013), the three authors dealing (albeit from partly different angles) with the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) do not agree on whether or not the EU has gained authority in this policy (Menon 2013; Mérand and Angers 2013; Weiss 2013). While they explain why according to them their findings do not contradict each other, it seems to the reader that they actually do, but for very good reasons: they position themselves differently with regard as to how “exceptional” a policy defence is from the outset and how it therefore can be expected to remain so in the process. In con- trast with the others, Anand Menon holds that despite all the nitty gritty of institu- tional reforms emphasized by other authors as evidence of an increased EU’s role, states leave no room for the EU in this field. In other words, while some see changes, he does not (Menon 2013): depending on one’s core theoretical assumptions, the CSDP’s glass is half-full, or half empty.
This debate cannot and should not have a definite conclusion, for the pros and cons of applying standard public policy approaches may well vary from case to case and over time. As a branch of political science, Public Policy has provided scholars with relevant theoretical frameworks and methodological tools to address questions relating to policymaking, its actors, processes, and consequences. But what are the key areas where public policy can contribute to a better understanding of defence? What does it mean, methodologically, to study defence through a public policy approach? This chapter will first present some of the traditional as well as more recent studies where public policy’s approaches have been usefully applied to defence. After that, it will discuss the methodological issues facing researchers in this field, most notably the question of dealing with confidentiality and the researcher’s fieldwork.
Public Policy contributions to Defence Studies
Because it is not a homogenous field, Public Policy offers a variety of theoretical and methodological approaches. This variety is reflected in how scholars have investigated defence policy. This section first proposes a reading of Public Policy contributions to Defence Studies organized around the policy cycle’s main stages (Jones 1984). Despite the criticism the policy cycle has drawn (Harguindeguy 2014), it is here a heuristic device to cluster questions together. These subsections bring together scho- larship that does not originate solely from Public Policy, but that relies on questions and concepts developed by this field. I will then go on considering how Public Policy has contributed to the study of policy internationalization and international coop- eration, with a special focus on the European Union and NATO. This section con- cludes with a focus on certain types of actors beyond national executive branches, such as parliaments or bureaucrats.
Setting the agenda: when does defence matter?
Agenda setting has constituted one of the most advanced research agenda in Public Policy (Baumgartner and Jones 1991; Birkland 2016; Rochefort and Cobb 1994). The aim of this literature is to understand why, i.e. under which conditions, a problem is constructed, emerges and is eventually put on the political agenda. It brings nuances to the conventional wisdom according to which, to put it in a nutshell, governments deal with problems because they just “matter” or matter more than others: the fact that governments deal with certain problems rather than others cannot be captured by functional logics alone. The nature of the problem at stake (more or less appealing to the public, more or less useful to political actors), institutional features (number of veto points, federal v. central government, for instance), as much as various actors’ preferences and strategies (the media and media coverage, public opinion, political entrepreneurs) constitute different explanatory factors to analyse why certain problems make it onto the political agenda while others remain unanswered. These questions have been applied to defence policy at both national (McDonald 2013) and interna- tional/European (Dijkstra 2012a; Vanhoonacker and Pomorska 2013) levels.
Who governs if not the Commander in Chief?
Dahl’s famous “Who governs?” (Dahl 2005) is a core question of Public Policy. Based on sociological accounts of decision-making and of organizations (Allison and Zelikow 1999; Cohen et al. 1972), Public Policy accounts of defence policies have much focused on the institutional logics shaping decisions. Historically this has come as a critique against the conventional wisdom according to which the elite at the top of the execu- tive branch holds a monopoly over this policy (domaine réservé) and that they are able to lead rationally. In this respect, studies about the influence of specific politicians have mostly shown that these leaders, while being visible and vocal, appear much less influ- ential than institutional and bureaucratic factors in the shaping of national defence policies (Allison and Zelikow 1999; Missiroli 2007; Williams 2004). Yet, leadership studies are not to be discarded (Beckett and Gooch 1981; Starr 1980); they have seen a revived level of interest, with scholars showing how under comparable conditions lea- ders’ personal characteristics matter (Dyson 2006; Howorth 2011; Irondelle 2011). This literature has mostly been qualitative in nature and focusing on the micro-level of individuals and their behaviour. They rely mostly on interviews, archives, and the press, such as important newspapers (the New York Times, the Financial Times, Le Monde, die Zeit) or specialized media outlets and blogs (Defense News, Janes, etc).
Notwithstanding the importance of these studies, much work has been done to de- centre theories from these “grands hommes” for a number of (good) epistemological and theoretical reasons. This shift has also been accompanied by a pluralization of methodologies, with the development of quantitative approaches imported in large parts by comparative politics’ input. Disputing the idea that political parties share a consensus over issues related to high politics, many scholars from Public Policy’s, Comparative Politics’ and IR’s ranks have investigated the role of party politics in national and European defence policies (Hofmann 2017, 2013; Wagner et al. 2017). These can be either qualitative (Hofmann) or quantitative (Rathbun and Wagner et al.). Another important question has been the role of public opinion’s support to gov- ernments’ choices in matters of defence, at national and international levels (Brummer 2007; Höse 2007; Schoen 2008). Jason Reifler et al. compare for instance three com- peting theoretical models to explain British public opinion regarding the use of force in Libya and Afghanistan (Reifler et al. 2014). Catarina P. Thomson analyses the ups and downs of executives’ approval, based on public support for economic and military coercion and on executives’ (in)consistency (Thomson 2016).
Implementation
Implementation is another important research agenda of Public Policy (Elmore 1979; Pressman and Wildavsky 1984; Sabatier and Mazmanian 1980; Sabatier 1986; Spillane et al. 2002). Implementation studies explain how public policies are implemented, which very often account for explaining why policies profoundly change from their original design up until their application at the local level by “street-level bureau- crats” (Lipsky 1983). These questions can either be theory-driven or policy-oriented (meaning targeting practical action): explaining why and how policies “deviate” in their implementation is a valuable knowledge for policymakers seeking to enhance policy efficiency. Many studies have investigated defence policy from an imple- mentation perspective (Eckhard and Dijkstra 2017; Juncos 2009; Merlingen and Ostrauskaite 2010; Morillas 2011; Smith 2016; Strikwerda 2018; Whitman 1998). Key issues are how military operations are implemented on the ground, to better capture military efficiency and the possible flaws in the decision-making. For instance, the analysis of privatization process of the former Defence Evaluation and Research Agency into Qinetiq gives a better understanding of its implications for the quality of defence R&D.
The internationalization of national defence policies: the case of the European Union
The internationalization of public policies has been an important research agenda since the 1980s. Globalization and regional integration have been two dynamics affecting how policies are made, by whom and with what impact. The development of European integration in defence has first occurred through the institutionalization of cooperation among EU Member States, then through the creation and strengthening of proper EU- institutions (intergovernmental and supranational). These dynamics have constituted an important field of research at the intersection between European integration theories and IR, with contributions of Public Policy and Comparative Politics (Bickerton et al. 2011; Howorth 2014; Howorth and Menon 1997; Hurrell and Menon 1996; Kempin and Mawdsley 2013; Mérand 2008). Debates evolved around the concept of Europea- nization, defined as the processes of (a) construction (b) diffusion and (c) institutionalization of formal and informal rules, procedures, policy paradigms, styles, ‘ways of doing things’ and shared beliefs and norms which are first defined and con- solidated in the making of the EU public policy and politics and then incor- porated in the logic of domestic discourse, identities, political structures and public policies.(Radaelli 2002, p. 110)
Some scholars have found profound traces of Europeanization of national defence policies (Britz 2010; Dover 2007; Eriksson 2006; Gross 2007; Irondelle 2003; Rieker 2006), whereas others have doubted the importance of such dynamics (Olsen 2011), going sometimes as far as arguing that some policies display a process of de-Europea- nization (Hellmann et al. 2005; Wagner 2005).
An emphasis on certain types of actors: beyond national executives
Parallel to these themes, numerous studies focus on the role of specific actors through- out the policy process. In the case of defence, public policy scholarship has emphasized the importance of other actors over the executive branch.
Contrary to conventional wisdom, defence policy is not the monopoly of the head of the executive branch and her advisers. Some have inquired the role of parliaments at national and European levels (Béraud-Sudreau et al. 2015; Cutler and Von Lingen 2003; Deschaux-Dutard 2017; Fonck et al. 2019; Lord 2011; Martin and Rozenberg 2014; Peters et al. 2010; Riddervold and Rosén 2016; Rosén 2015). Other studies have underlined the unexpected influence of bureaucrats over international cooperation and national policies. This is especially clear in the case of the EU and its bureaucracy: Both the Commission (Blauberger and Weiss 2013; Lavallée 2011; Mörth 2000; Rid- dervold 2016; Riddervold and Rosén 2016) and the European External Action Service (Adler-Nissen 2014; Furness 2013; Vanhoonacker and Pomorska 2013) have proved more influential than state-centred accounts had expected. This influence of EU bureaucrats can run through from agenda setting to implementation phases of CSDP (Dijkstra 2012b, 2012a; Eckhard and Dijkstra 2017). Others have worked on the role of the industry in the shaping of either national or European defence policies (Bitzinger 2008; Oikonomou 2012).
Methodologies and methodological challenges
Public Policy studies focusing on defence policies display a variety of methodologies, which this chapter cannot comprehensively account for. This variety is partly attributable to the heterogeneity of the Public Policy field itself, stretched between its policy-oriented and its more critical poles (and their dedicated methodologies). This chapter first considers the methodological variety in studies dealing with one of the Public Policy’s core themes identified above. It then discusses some methodological challenges.
Towards methodological plurality
Much of the scholarship devoted to defence policies has adopted qualitative meth- ods. A great deal of Public Policy scholarship has developed theoretical approaches centred on discourse analysis of some forms (Béland 2009; Schmidt and Radaelli 2004). This also holds true for studies focused on defence policy. This focus on discourse analysis has many roots. First, the fields of IR (Katzenstein 1996; Wendt 1999) and Public Policy (Hall 1993; Jobert and Muller 1987; Sabatier 1998) both went through their ideational turn. Ideational factors (ideas, representations, dis- courses, etc) are considered to play a distinctive (yet possibly complementary of material ones) role in interpreting or explaining policy changes. But the focus on discourses also finds its origin in the scarcity of “hard” data, which is especially true in the defence realm. Given that there is less quantitative data, less access to fieldwork, the researcher finds him/herself much more dependent on the very dis- courses produced by the institution itself and its actors. Paradoxically enough, in a policy domain where (national) interests are often taken for granted as the main (if not only) explanatory factor, research is mostly dependent on discourses and sense- making. This point and the challenges it raises will be discussed later in this sec- tion. Discourses are gathered through the analysis of general and specialized media (press, blogs), parliamentary records, official speeches, grey literature (reports, either for dissemination or not) and by semi-structured interviews.
Jolyon Howorth has early on adopted such an approach for his research on CSDP:
Ideas, though not unconnected to interests, can take on a life of their own. The aim of this article is to scrutinize the policy-making process in order to under- stand the connection between interests, ideas and discourse in the construction of yet another security narrative emerging in 1998/99 – European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) – which many were led to believe posed a challenge to the apparently triumphal NATO narrative of the mod-1990s. This study con- centrates on the role in this process of three countries – Britain, France, and to a lesser extent, Germany – not only because they are the main security players in Europe, but also because they offer strikingly contrasting pictures of the metamorphosis of a policy community, of the seminal role of ideas, and of the importance of appropriate political discourse. (Howorth 2004, p. 212)
Embedded in the same theoretical framework of discursive institutionalism, Antoine Rayroux shows how military cooperation (in the European Union Force (EUFOR) Chad operation) between two countries with diverging interests (France and Ireland) was made possible by ambiguities in the discourses developed by national defence policies (Rayroux 2014). This author shows how discursive and institutional variables interact to explain the evolution of national defence policies and potential international cooperation. In a comparable direction, many other authors study the framing of defence policies (Blauberger and Weiss 2013; Kur- owska 2009; Mörth 2000). Discourses and ideational factors’ relevance is yet not to be taken for granted, but to be assessed on a case-by-case basis and can be combined rather than opposed to other factors (Meyer and Strickmann 2011). In some epistemologies and methodologies, discourses constitute an explanatory factor per se. In others, they can be used as a tool to reconstruct processes of policy change and identify factors within them, for instance by using process tra- cing. Beyond a simple description of events, the method of process tracing allows to identify the mechanisms of change (Bennett and Checkel 2014; Bezes et al. 2018; Mahoney 2012). Bastien Irondelle used process-tracing to explain the French President Chirac’s decisive role in the reform that ended conscription in French armed forces (Irondelle 2011). His book was a prime example of excellent inductive research, based on very rich empirical material (Irondelle 2011, pp. 28–29), which allowed him to reconstruct the decision-making process in a very con- vincing manner.
Beyond the analysis of institutional documents (the “grey literature”) and of the press, many studies rely on the conduct of semi-structured interviews (Deschaux- Beaume 2012; Hoeffler 2012; Hofmann 2013). The number of interviews used and/or referred to in published articles in academic journals varies a lot, from a dozen to more than 100. The acceptable number of interviews depends on the status given to the interviews, which is defined by an article’s epistemology and theoretical approach and by what journal is targeted. Whereas positivist journals may require a high number of interviews and some data on the interviewees, post-positivist journals may accept interviews as performing an illustrative rather than explanatory function. Other qualitative methods adopted can range from archival work (Cohen 1999; Deschaux-Beaume 2011) to participant observation or even participation as (semi-) insiders (Pajon 2005; Schmitt 2015).
Quantitative methods have a long history in comparative politics and IR when it comes to investigating peace and war dynamics (Doyle and Sambanis 2000; Soeters et al. 2014; Wimmer et al. 2009). They are also on the rise in studies pertaining to defence policies. This is particularly visible in studies that focus on party politics and public opinion’s influence on defence policies (Wagner et al 2017). Political parties’ manifestos have constituted a fruitful source of data through the Manifesto Project2 supported by the German Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung (WZB) and the Deutsche Foschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) (Volkens et al. 2018). Party manifestos have been used by some quantitative studies analysing the parties’ impact on defence policies (Herbel 2017) along with other qualitative studies (Hof- mann 2013). Other studies rely on the Chapel Hill Expert Survey3 (CHES): Wagner et al. use this survey to map political parties’ positions on military missions on a left-right axis (Wagner et al. 2017). Regarding public opinion analysis, many studies focusing on Europe make use of the Eurobarometers (Brummer 2007; Schoen 2008) or other national surveys (Mader 2017). Qualitative analysis of media coverage is complemented with quantitative research focusing on social media (Gupta and Brooks 2013; Simon et al. 2014).
Innovative methodologies have also been applied to the analysis of defence policy, with attempts at combining in new ways qualitative and quantitative methodologies. De Vreese et al. use survey-embedded experiments to analyse how the framing the EU’s common foreign and security policy on public support, in order to analyse the various frames the elite and media use (De Vreese and Kandyla 2009). A current research project on CSDP led by Harald Schoen (University of Mannheim) focuses on the elite- public opinion nexus in CSDP and involves mixed methodologies, i.e. mass surveys, elite interviews and media analysis.4
Specific and not so specific methodological challenges
Doing research on defence policy entails a few methodological challenges. Some have already been discussed elsewhere recently (Carreiras 2006; Soeters et al. 2014; Deschaux-Dutard 2018), which allows me to focus on a few that seem of particular importance. I argue that these challenges are not necessarily unique: they can be com- pared to the ones encountered by studies focusing on policies with high levels of con- fidentiality, linked to security concerns and/or big economic interests (think of big business, such as pharmaceuticals and mining industries). Moreover they may epito- mize difficulties that research in social sciences is increasingly encountering. As such, they may be interesting to consider for scholars that are not working on defence as well. This subsection considers two sets of questions: first, the various impacts of secrecy and confidentiality at different levels in the research process when studying defence as a public policy; second, the researcher’s relationship to her fieldwork and the questions that arise from it.
Confidentiality and research: public policy approaches caught in the crossfire of conflicting methodological demands
Quite a large number of publications deal with the impact of secrecy and con- fidentiality on doing research in security and defence domains. Many focus on how to access information and how to get and conduct interviews (Boumaza and Campana 2007; Cohen and Arieli 2011; Cohen 1999; Deschaux-Beaume 2012; Garcia and Hoeffler 2015; Lancaster 2017). The difficulty can be of various intensities and natures, considering that it can stem from administrative hurdles or from the dangers of doing research in conflict zones. Obstacles to do “normal” fieldwork can be so important on some topics or in some areas that some scholars interrogate the very limits of research. Ahram explains how the Iraqi regime’s opacity has made fieldwork almost impossible, which had led researchers to look for alternatives (Ahram 2013). Difficulties to analyse war “on the ground”, from Vietnam to Mali, can be included here. This is crucial because difficulties to access fieldwork define the borders of knowledge production, i.e. what areas, topics, historical periods, etc. scientists do publish about. Needless to say that this has tremendous political consequences too.
Next to the question of access, what is at stake is the nature and quality of the accessible data. Interviewees may give erroneous information, be it because they flat-out lie, because they make unintentional mistakes, or because this is just how they experienced a given situation. These biases could be even stronger in policy domains combining an explosive mix, i.e. being characterised by high stakes (poli- tical, economic, symbolic, etc) and by high levels of confidentiality, for formal- institutional reasons (institutional authorizations required) or informal-symbolic (professional cultures of secrecy) ones. This may prevent the researcher from trust- ing information gathered through interviews. Another methodological issue would lie in the sampling problem. Overall, snowballing strategies’ lack of randomness (selection bias) and the low number of interviews lead positivist, mostly quantitative approaches to mistrust interviews as a reliable source of data. In defence, this pro- blem is magnified by the unpredictability of elite interviewing: not only can they be harder to get, but they are few in absolute numbers, they may not be recordable, and information triangulation may not be possible. This does not mean that inter- views are useless or to be discarded. They can serve different purposes, from getting information, to triangulating sources and to making sense of processes and “facts” obtained elsewhere (Garcia and Hoeffler 2015; Mosley 2013). Interviews may well be the most appropriate source of empirical material in those very policies marked by formal and informal forms of confidentiality. Methodological challenges may rather arise when it comes to designing and implementing comparative research projects (Deschaux-Beaume 2011; Hoeffler 2013, 2008).
Last, but not least, confidentiality also impacts how to use empirical material, mostly interviews, in writing and publishing research (Kaiser 2009; Lancaster 2017; Lilleker 2003). Researchers have come up with different “technical” solutions to use these sources without compromising in any way their interviewees’ identity and thus without harming the trust interviewing relies on and necessitates. While doing inter- views in defence used to be seen as very specific given its high(er) confidentiality requirements, it could be argued that this specificity is waning. The emergence or rise (depending on countries) of codes of ethics and stricter procedural rules for interviews, for all advantages they entail, also represent a new administrative hurdle for research- ers to overcome, irrelevant from the policy’s characteristics at stake. They impact both the authorization process by which the researcher can contact potential interviewees and how data are handled afterwards, for in most cases data storage is now required to be anonymous and safe for “civilian” policies as well.
Qualitative research based on interviews finds itself caught in the crossfire of conflicting demands between increasing replicability requirements and open access on the one hand,5 and measures pertaining to cyber-criminality and the protection of data privacy: this used to particularly affect security and defence policies but does now touch policies across the board.
A researcher’s relationship to fieldwork: power, autonomy and safety
I consider here three questions that seem of particular importance for a public policy researcher. First, one needs to consider how power affects research on defence policy. While it is widely acknowledged that interviewing entails a power relationship (Cham- boredon et al. 1994; Cohen 1999; Lancaster 2017), gendering this power relationship is not yet sufficiently achieved in Public Policy approaches to defence, in sharp contrast to other academic fields (Arendell 1997; Enloe 2014; Margaret Fonow and Cook 2005; Mazur and Pollack 2009; Shepherd 2010; Tickner 1992). Thinking and acting upon the gender dimension may be obviously important when female scholars interview male defence-elites, but it is just as important in other situations. However gender cannot be considered in isolation from other characteristics: it should be thought of as working in relation to other dimensions such as race and class (Chowdhry and Nair 2004). Power is performed through gender and gender is (re)produced through power. The knowledge produced by interviews is thus not immune of these gendered, racialized power relations (Carreiras and Alexandre 2013).
Second, the researcher’s independence is of paramount importance. This has been captured as the insider/outsider question (Deschaux-Beaume 2011): how to be suffi- ciently close to the military institution in order to get information, yet not too close so as to not be biased in any way? This is a trade-off between access and indepen- dence that many researchers face at some point. This concern is obviously also true for other policies as well. But a difference lies in the fact that in some policies more than in others, state institutions have an interest in (and an historically acknowledged habit of) shaping the academic discourse and/or in using it in self-legitimizing strate- gies. Shaping the academic discourse does not need to take the ultimate form of censorship: concealing information or cherry picking what information to reveal, selecting the researcher’s interlocutors, requiring formal authorization prior to pub- lication, financing only certain research projects (by framing the acceptable concepts, cases, etc.), or demanding a “give and take” exchange of information with defence services, among others, can, voluntarily or not, influence research. Engaging in a more or less institutionalized relationship with the defence establishment has down- sides and advantages, which the researcher should be aware of, especially when it entails financial aspects (Monjardet 1997). While becoming an insider may improve fieldwork opportunities, it also increases the risk of being influenced by the institution under scrutiny and of participating in a dilution of the frontier between the academic and military spheres.
Last, and in relation to the second point, doing research on defence policy can entail security risks, for the researcher, her home institution and the interviewees. Fieldwork can be dangerous, especially in dynamic, unstable political contexts of non-democratic regimes: the murder of an Italian PhD student in Egypt, the arrest of some others on suspicion of treason or spying activities are sadly here to remind us of it (Glasius 2018). These cases have triggered more discussion about our research practices and obligations (Knott,2019; Wackenhut 2018), but they have also led to a strengthening of fieldwork rules by many universities, supported by national ministries of Foreign Affairs. While these may improve researchers’ safety, they also represent a securitization of research for some (Peter and Strazzari 2017). This latter dimension has potential important methodological consequences for research on defence policies, in non-democratic but also in democratic regimes. The researcher’s physical safety becomes dependent on bureaucratic criteria beyond her reach (for instance, the definitions of situations of risk, that may differ), and that can be influ- enced by other (political) considerations. This is not to say that safety is not a legit- imate concern: but researchers should be aware of how bureaucratic safety requirements may influence fieldwork in the future, from the definition of what is feasible up to what is publishable. For instance, in France, the Direction for Military Intelligence signed a partnership with the National Center for Scientific Research (CNRS), the long-standing public state-funded research institution in France in June 2018.6 This sparked much controversy over the scientific independence’s meaning and concrete dimensions: will research be as free when some objects, some concepts and definitions are preferred and encouraged over others by the MoD? How can a researcher be credible and reliable towards her sources when her home organization supports and promotes such transfer of knowledge towards military institutions? Such questions are of paramount importance not only for the quality of research, but also for its very possibility and for the researcher’s safety.
Conclusion
Public policy has contributed to Defence Studies by providing scholars tools to analyze defence policies, their actors and processes. This chapter has explored agenda-setting approaches, decision-making theories, and implementation studies, and how they have been applied to defence policy. Moreover, public policy scholars have engaged in exploring international military cooperation through concepts such as policy inter- nationalization or integration. In the case of the European Union, a large literature on the CSDP has brought together scholars from public policy and IR in discussions about the Europeanization of national policies. Methodologically, these contributions are manifold: while many analyses are qualitative and based on interviews, an increasing number of scholars explore national or international defence policies with quantitative or mixed methodologies. Analysing defence through a public policy approach does not go without methodological challenges though. This chapter has engaged with two of them: how confidentiality impacts various stages of research, from getting access to inter- viewees to publication; the relationship of the researcher to his/her fieldwork in front of new or renewed obstacles.
Notes
1 Public Policy in this chapter designates the field of political science that focuses on the analysis of governments’ actions (and absence thereof), including many stages such as agenda-setting, decision-making, implementation, and evaluation (Cairney 2012; Howlett et al. 2009; King- don 2011; Sabatier 2007). According to Ribemont et al. 2018, “Studying public policy is essentially a question of how a society tries to solve its own problems. What is called ‘public policy’ can indeed be described as all the means, formal and informal, that a society develops to deal with the problems that can weaken its coherence and functioning. […] The ‘public’ response to these problems means that these problems are dealt with collectively, often through the action of the State: facing difficulty to find solutions, society gradually equips itself with ‘public policies’, that is to say, rules, funding, specialized personnel, programs, indicators, always more sophisticated, allowing it to come with ways of dealing with these problems” (Ribemont et al. 2018, p. 5). Public Policy with capital letters refers to the scientific field; without capital letters, it means the object, i.e. a state policy.
2 https://manifesto-project.wzb.eu/ [accessed 31 March 2019].
3 https://www.chesdata.eu/ [accessed 31 March 2019].
4 https://www.mzes.uni-mannheim.de/d7/en/projects/fighting-together-moving-apart-europea
n-common-defence-and-shared-security-in-an-age-of-brexit-and-trump [accessed 31 March 2019].
5 This issue is discussed in the chapter dedicated to secondary analysis of qualitative data in
defence studies by Borzillo and Deschaux-Dutard in this volume.
6 See for instance: http://www.opex360.com/2018/06/10/direction-renseignement-militaire-a-sign
e-convention-de-partenariat-cnrs/ (Consulted on 25 June 2019).
References
Adler-Nissen, R. (2014). Symbolic power in European diplomacy: The struggle between national foreign services and the EU’s External Action Service. Review of International Studies, 40,
657–681.
Ahram, A. I. (2013). Iraq in the social sciences: Testing the limits of research. The Journal of the
Middle East and Africa, 4, 251–266.
Allison, G. T., Zelikow, P. (1999). Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis, 2nd ed., New York, Longman.
Arendell, T. (1997). Reflections on the researcher-researched relationship: A woman interviewing
men. Qualitative Sociology, 20, 341–368.
Baumgartner, F., Jones, B. D. (1991). Agenda dynamics and policy subsystems. The Journal of
Politics, 53, 1044–1074.
Beckett, I. F. W., Gooch, J. (Eds.) (1981). Politicians and defence: Studies in the formulation of
British defence policy, 1845–1970, Manchester, Manchester University Press.
Béland, D. (2009). Ideas, institutions, and policy change. Journal of European Public Policy, 16,
701–718.
Béraud-Sudreau, L., Faure, S. B., Sladeczek, M. (2015). Réguler le commerce des armes par le
Parlement et l’opinion publique. Politique européenne, (2), 82–121.
Bennett, A., Checkel, J. T. (Eds.) (2014). Process Tracing: From Metaphor to Analytic Tool, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
Bezes, P., Palier, B., Surel, Y. (2018). Le process tracing: du discours de la méthode aux usages pratiques. Revue française de science politique, 68, 961–965.
Bickerton, C. J., Irondelle, B., Menon, A. (2011). Security co-operation beyond the nation-state:
The EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy. JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies,
49, 1–21.
Birkland, T. A. (2016). Agenda Setting and the Policy Process: Focusing Events, Oxford, Oxford
University Press.
Bitzinger, R. A. (2008). The revolution in military affairs and the global defence industry: reac- tions and interactions. Security Challenges, 4(4), 1–11.
Blauberger, M., Weiss, M. (2013). ‘If you can’t beat me, join me!’ How the Commission pushed and pulled member states into legislating defence procurement. Journal of European Public Policy, 20, 1120–1138.
Boëne, B. (1990). How ‘unique’ should the military be? A review of representative literature &
outline of a synthetic formulation. European Journal of Sociology, 31, 3.
Boumaza, M., Campana, A. (2007). Enquêter en milieu « difficile ». Introduction. Revue fran- çaise de science politique, 57, 5–25.
Britz, M. (2010). The role of marketization in the Europeanization of defense industry policy.
Bulletin of Science, Technology & Society, 30, 176–184.
Brummer, K. (2007). Superficial, not substantial: The ambiguity of public support for Europe’s security and defence policy. European Security, 16, 183–201.
Cairney, P. (2012). Understanding Public Policy: Theories and Issues, Houndmills, New York,
Palgrave Macmillan.
Carreiras, H. (2006). Gender and the Military: Women in the Armed Forces of Western Democ- racies, London, Routledge.
Carreiras, H., Alexandre, H. (2013). Research relations in military settings. In: Carreiras, H., Castro, C. (2013). Qualitative Methods in Military Studies: Research Experiences and Chal- lenges, London, New York, Routledge.
Carreiras, H., Castro, C. (2014). Qualitative Methods in Military Studies: Research Experiences and Challenges, London, New York, Routledge.
Chamboredon, H., Pavis, F., Surdez, M., Willemez, L. (1994). S’imposer aux imposants. A propos de quelques obstacles rencontrés par des sociologues débutants dans la pratique et l’usage de l’entretien. Genèses, 16, 114–132.
Chowdhry, G., Nair, S. (2004). Power, Postcolonialism and International Relations: Reading
Race, Gender and Class, Abingdon, New York, Routledge.
Cohen, M. D., March, J. G., Olsen, J. P. (1972). A garbage can model of organizational choice.
Administrative Science Quarterly, 17, 1–25.
Cohen, S. (Ed.) (1999). L’art d’interviewer les dirigeants, 1st ed. Paris, Presses universitaires de
France. Politique d’aujourd’hui.
Cohen, N., Arieli, T. (2011). Field research in conflict environments: Methodological challenges and snowball sampling. Journal of Peace Research, 48, 423–435.
Cutler, R., Von Lingen, A. (2003). The European Parliament and European Union security and
defence policy. European Security, 12, 1–20.
Dahl, R. A. (2005). Who Governs? Democracy and Power in an American City, 2nd edn. New
Haven, CT, London, Yale University Press.
De Vreese, C.H., Kandyla, A. (2009). News framing and public support for a common foreign and security policy. JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies, 47, 453–481.
Deschaux-Beaume, D. (2011). Studying the military in a comparative perspective: Methodologi-
cal challenges and issues. The example of French and German officers in European defense and security policy. In: Carreiras, H., Castro, C. (Eds.), Qualitative Methods in Military Stu- dies: Research Experiences and Challenges, London, New York, Routledge.
Deschaux-Beaume, D. (2012). Investigating the military field: Qualitative research strategy and interviewing in the defence networks. Current Sociology, 60, 101–117.
Deschaux-Dutard, D. (2017). Usage de la force et contrôle démocratique: le rôle des arènes parlementaires en France et en Allemagne. Revue Internationale de Politique Comparée, 24(3),
101–131.
Deschaux-Dutard, D. (2018). Methods in Defence Studies, 40–55. In: Galbreath, D., Deni, J. (Eds.) (2018). Routledge Handbook of Defence Studies, London, Routledge.
Dijkstra, H. (2012a). Agenda-setting in the Common Security and Defence Policy: An institu- tionalist perspective. Cooperation and Conflict, 47, 454–472.
Dijkstra, H. (2012b). The influence of EU officials in European security and defence. European
Security, 21, 311–327.
Dover, R. (2007). Europeanization of British Defence Policy, London, Routledge.
Doyle, M. W., Sambanis, N. (2000). International peacebuilding: A theoretical and quantitative analysis. American Political Science Review, 94, 779–801.
Dyson, S. B. (2006). Personality and Foreign Policy: Tony Blair’s Iraq decisions. Foreign Policy
Analysis, 2, 289–306.
Eckhard, S., Dijkstra, H. (2017). Contested implementation: The unilateral influence of member states on peacebuilding policy in Kosovo. Global Policy, 8, 102–112.
Elmore, R. F. (1979). Backward mapping: Implementation research and policy decisions. Poli- tical Science Quarterly, 94, 601–616.
Enloe, C. H. (2014). Bananas, Beaches and Bases: Making Feminist Sense of International Poli- tics, 2nd ed., Berkeley, CA, University of California Press.
Eriksson, A. (2006). Europeanization and Governance in Defence Policy: The Example of Sweden,
Stockholm, Stockholm University, Department of Political Science.
Esping-Andersen, G. (1998). The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, Repr. Ed., Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press.
Fonck, D., Haesebrouck, T., Reykers, Y. (2019). Parliamentary involvement, party ideology and majority-opposition bargaining: Belgian participation in multinational military operations. Contemporary Security Policy, 40(1), 85–100.
Furness, M. (2013). Who controls the European external action service? Agent autonomy in EU
external policy. European Foreign Affairs Review, 103–125.
Garcia, N., Hoeffler, C. (2015). Chapitre 15:L’entretien et la place des acteurs dans la sociologie de l’action publique, 377–404. In: Boussaguet, L., Jacquot, S., Ravinet, P. (2015). Une French Touch dans l’analyse des politiques publiques?Paris, Presses de Sciences Po.
Genschel, P., Jachtenfuchs, M. (Eds.) (2013). Beyond the Regulatory Polity?: The European Inte- gration of Core State Powers, Oxford, Oxford University Press.
Glasius, M. (2018). Research, Ethics and Risk in the Authoritarian Field, Cham, Springer Inter- national Publishing, S.l.
Gross, E. (2007). Germany and European security and defence cooperation: The Europeaniza- tion of national crisis management policies? Security Dialogue, 38, 501–520.
Gupta, R., Brooks, H. (2013). Using Social Media for Global Security, 1st ed., Indianapolis, IN, John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
Hall, P. A. (1993). Policy paradigms, social learning, and the State: The case of economic pol-
icymaking in Britain. Comparative Politics, 25, 275–296.
Harguindeguy, J.-B. (2014). Cycle (Policy cycle), 196–201. In: Boussaguet, L., Jacquot, S., Ravi- net, P. (2014). Dictionnaire des politiques publiques: 4e édition précédée d’un nouvel avant- propos, Paris, Presses de Sciences po.
Hartley, K. (2003). The future of European defence policy: An economic perspective. Defence and Peace Economics, 14(2), 107–115.
Hellmann, G., Baumann, R., Bösche, M., Herborth, B., Wagner, W. (2005). De-Europeanization by default? Germany’s EU policy in defense and asylum. Foreign Policy Analysis, 1, 143–164. Herbel, A. (2017). Parliamentary scrutiny of the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy.
West European Politics, 40, 161–182.
Hoeffler, C. (2012). European armament co-operation and the renewal of industrial policy motives. Journal of European Public Policy, 19, 435–451.
Hoeffler, C. (2013). L’émergence d’une politique industrielle de défense libérale en Europe:
Appréhender le changement de la politique d’armement par ses instruments. Gouvernement et action publique, 4, 641–665.
Hoeffler, C. (2008). Les réformes des systèmes d’acquisition d’armement en France et en Alle-
magne: un retour paradoxal des militaires? Revue internationale de politique comparée, 15,
133–150.
Hofmann, S. C. (2013). European Security in NATO’s Shadow: Party Ideologies and Institution
Building, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
Hofmann, S. C. (2017). Party preferences and institutional transformation: Revisiting France’s relationship with NATO (and the common wisdom on Gaullism). Journal of Strategic Studies,
40, 505–531.
Höse, A. (2007). Public opinion and the development of the European security and defence policy. European Foreign Affairs Review, 12(2), 149–167.
Howlett, M., Ramesh, M., Perl, A. (2009). Studying Public Policy: Policy Cycles & Policy Sub-
systems. 3rd ed., Ontario, New York, Oxford University Press.
Howorth, J. (2004). Discourse, ideas, and epistemic communities in European security and defence policy. West European Politics, 27, 211–234.
Howorth, J. (2011). The ‘new faces’ of Lisbon: Assessing the performance of Catherine
Ashton and Herman van Rompuy on the global stage. European Foreign Affairs Review,
16(3), 303–323.
Howorth, J. (2014). Security and Defence Policy in the European Union, 2nd ed., Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan.
Howorth, J., Menon, A. (Eds.) (1997). The European Union and National Defence Policy,
London, New York, Routledge. The State and the European Union series.
Hudson, V. M. (2005). Foreign policy analysis: Actor-specific theory and the ground of interna- tional relations: Foreign policy analysis. Foreign Policy Analysis, 1, 1–30.
Hurrell, A., Menon, A. (1996). Politics like any other? Comparative politics, international rela-
tions and the study of the EU. West European Politics, 19, 386–402.
Irondelle, B. (2003). Europeanization without the European Union? French military reforms
1991–96. Journal of European Public Policy, 10, 208–226.
Irondelle, B. (2008). Chapitre 3: Les politiques de défense, 93–112, in: Politiques publiques 1. Paris, Presses de Sciences Po.
Irondelle, B. (2011). La réforme des armées en France. Sociologie de la decision, Paris, Presses de
Sciences Po.
Joana, J. (2012). Les armées contemporaines, Paris, Presses de La Fondation nationale des sci- ences politiques.
Jobert, B., Muller, P. (1987). L’État en action: politiques publiques et corporatismes, 1st ed., Paris,
Presses universitaires de France. Recherches politiques.
Jones, C. O. (1984). An Introduction to the Study of Public Policy, 3rd ed., Monterey, CA, Brooks/Cole Pub. Co.
Juncos, A. (2009). The Lisbon Treaty and the Foreign, Security and Defence Policy: Reforms, implementation and the consequences of (non–) ratification. European Foreign Affairs Review,
14(1), 25–46.
Kaarbo, J. (2015). A Foreign Policy Analysis perspective on the domestic politics turn in IR Theory. International Studies Review, 17, 189–216.
Kaiser, K. (2009). Protecting respondent confidentiality in qualitative research. Qualitative
Health Research, 19, 1632–1641.
Katzenstein, P. J. (Ed.) (1996). The Culture of National Security: Norms and Identity in World
Politics, New Directions in World Politics, New York, Columbia University Press.
Kempin, R., Mawdsley, J. (2013). The Common Security and Defence Policy as an act of
American hegemony. European Security, 22, 55–73.
Kingdon, J. W. (2011). Agendas, Alternatives, and Public Policies, Updated 2nd ed., Boston, Longman. Longman classics in political science.
Knott, E. (2019). Beyond the field: Ethics after fieldwork in politically dynamic contexts. Per- spectives on Politics, 17, 140–153.
Kurowska, X. (2009). ‘Solana Milieu’: Framing security policy. Perspectives on European Politics
and Society, 10, 523–540.
Lancaster, K. (2017). Confidentiality, anonymity and power relations in elite interviewing: Con- ducting qualitative policy research in a politicised domain. International Journal of Social Research Methodology, 20, 93–103.
Lavallée, C. (2011). The European Commission’s position in the field of security and defence: An unconventional actor at a meeting point. Perspectives on European Politics and Society, 12,
371–389.
Lilleker, D. G. (2003). Interviewing the political elite: Navigating a potential minefield. Politics,
23, 207–214.
Lipsky, M. (1983). Street-level Bureaucracy: Dilemmas of the Individual in Public Services, New
York, Russell Sage Foundation.
Lord, C. (2011). The political theory and practice of parliamentary participation in the Common
Security and Defence Policy. Journal of European Public Policy, 18, 1133–1150.
Mader, M. (2017). Citizens’ perceptions of policy objectives and support for military action: Looking for prudence in Germany. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 61, 1290–1314.
Mahoney, J. (2012). The logic of process tracing tests in the social sciences. Sociological Methods
& Research, 41, 570–597.
Margaret Fonow, M., Cook, J. A. (2005). Feminist methodology: New applications in the acad- emy and public policy. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 30, 2211–2236.
Martin, S., Rozenberg, O. (2014). The Roles and Function of Parliamentary Questions, Hoboken, NJ, Taylor and Francis.
Mazur, A. G., Pollack, M. A. (2009). Gender and public policy in Europe: An introduction.
Comparative European Politics, 7, 1–11.
McDonald, M. (2013). Foreign and defence policy on Australia’s political agenda, 1962–2012: Foreign and defence policy. Australian Journal of Public Administration, 72, 171–184.
Menon, A. (2013). Defence Policy and the logic of ‘high politics’, 66–84. In: Genschel, P., Jach-
tenfuchs, M. (Eds.), Beyond the Regulatory Polity?New York, Oxford University Press. Mérand, F. (2008). European Defence Policy: Beyond the Nation State, New York, Oxford Uni-
versity Press.
Mérand, F., Angers, K. (2013). Military integration in Europe, 46–65. In: Genschel, P., Jachten- fuchs, M. (Eds.), Beyond the Regulatory Polity?New York, Oxford University Press.
Merlingen, M., Ostrauskaite, R. (2010). European Security and Defence Policy. An Implementa- tion Perspective, London, Routledge.
Meyer, C. O., Strickmann, E. (2011). Solidifying constructivism: How material and ideational factors interact in European Defence. JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies, 49, 61–81. Missiroli, A. (2007). Italy’s security and defence policy: Between EU and US, or just Prodi and
Berlusconi? Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans, 9, 149–168.
Monjardet, D. (1997). Le chercheur et le policier. L’expérience des recherches commanditées par le ministère de l’Intérieur. Revue française de science politique, 47, 211–225.
Morel, N., Palier, B., Palme, J. (Eds.) (2012). Towards a Social Investment Welfare State? Ideas, Policies and Challenges, Bristol, Policy Press.
Morillas, P. (2011). Institutionalization or intergovernmental decision-taking in foreign policy:
The implementation of the Lisbon Treaty. European Foreign Affairs Review, 16(2), 243–257. Mörth, U. (2000). Competing frames in the European Commission – the case of the defence
industry and equipment issue. Journal of European Public Policy, 7, 173–189.
Mosley, L. (Ed.) (2013). Interview Research in Political Science, Ithaca, Cornell University Press. Oikonomou, I. (2012). The political economy of EU space policy militarization: the case of the global monitoring for environment and security, 151–164. In: Stavrianakis, A., Selby, J. (2012).
Militarism and International Relations in the Twenty-first Century, London, Routledge.
Olsen, G. R. (2011). How strong is Europeanisation, really? The Danish defence administration and the opt-out from the European security and defence policy. Perspectives on European Politics and Society, 12, 13–28.
Pajon, C. (2005). Le sociologue enrégimenté: méthodes et techniques d’enquête en milieu militaire, 45–57. In: Gresle, F., Delfolie, D. (Eds.), Sociologie Du Milieu Militaire: Les Conséquences de La Professionnalisation Sur Les Armées et l’identité Militaire, Paris, Har- mattan. Logiques Sociales.
Peter, M., Strazzari, F. (2017). Securitisation of research: Fieldwork under new restrictions in
Darfur and Mali. Third World Quarterly, 38, 1531–1550.
Peters, D., Wagner, W. M., Deitelhoff, N. (2010). Parliaments and European Security Policy. Mapping the Parliamentary Field, Austria, ECSA.
Pierson, P. (1996). Dismantling the Welfare State?: Reagan, Thatcher, and the Politics of
Retrenchment, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
Pressman, J. L., Wildavsky, A. B. (1984). Implementation: How Great Expectations in Washing- ton are Dashed in Oakland, Berkeley, CA, University of California Press. Oakland Project series.
Radaelli, C. M. (2002). The domestic impact of European Union public policy: Notes on con- cepts, methods, and the challenge of empirical research. Politique européenne, 5, 105–136.
Rathbun, B. C. (2007). Hierarchy and community at home and abroad: Evidence of a common
structure of domestic and foreign policy beliefs in American elites. Journal of Conflict Reso- lution 51, 379–407.
Rayroux, A. (2014). Speaking EU defence at home: Contentious discourses and constructive
ambiguity. Cooperation and Conflict, 49, 386–405.
Reifler, J., Clarke, H. D., Scotto, T. J., Sanders, D., Stewart, M. C., Whiteley, P. (2014). Prudence, principle and minimal heuristics: British public opinion toward the use of military force in Afghanistan and Libya. The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 16(1), 28–55.
Ribemont, T., Bossy, T., Evrard, A., Gourgues, G., Hoeffler, C. (2018). Introduction à la socio- logie de l’action publique, Bruxelles, De Boeck.
Riddervold, M. (2016). (Not) in the hands of the Member States: How the European Commis-
sion influences EU security and defence policies. JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies,
54, 353–369.
Riddervold, M., Rosén, G. (2016). Trick and treat: how the Commission and the European Parliament exert influence in EU foreign and security policies. Journal of European Integra- tion, 38, 687–702.
Rieker, P. (2006). From common defence to comprehensive security: Towards the Europeaniza- tion of French foreign and security policy? Security Dialogue, 37, 509–528.
Rochefort, D. A., Cobb, R. W. (Eds.) (1994). The Politics of Problem Definition: Shaping the Policy Agenda, Studies in Government and Public Policy, Lawrence, KS, University Press of Kansas.
Rosén, G. (2015). EU confidential: The European Parliament’s involvement in EU Security and Defence Policy: EU confidential. JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies, 53, 383–398. Sabatier, P., Mazmanian, D. (1980). The implementation of public policy: A framework of ana-
lysis. Policy Studies Journal, 8, 538–560.
Sabatier, P. A. (1986). Top-down and bottom-up approaches to implementation research: A cri- tical analysis and suggested synthesis. Journal of Public Policy, 6, 21.
Sabatier, P. A. (1998). The advocacy coalition framework: Revisions and relevance for Europe.
Journal of European Public Policy, 5, 98–130.
Sabatier, P. A. (Ed.) (2007). Theories of the Policy Process, 2nd ed., Boulder, CO, Westview Press. Schmidt, V.A., Radaelli, C.M. (2004). Policy change and discourse in Europe: Conceptual and
methodological issues. West European Politics, 27, 183–210.
Schmitt, O. (2015). L’accès aux données confidentielles en milieu militaire: problèmes méthodo- logiques et éthiques d’un positionnement intermédiaire, Champs de Mars, 26, 50–58.
Schoen, H. (2008). Identity, instrumental self-interest and institutional evaluations: Explaining public opinion on common European policies in foreign affairs and defence. European Union Politics, 9, 5–29.
Shepherd, L. J. (Ed.) (2010). Gender Matters in Global Politics: A Feminist Introduction to
International Relations, New York, Routledge.
Simon, T., Goldberg, A., Aharonson-Daniel, L., Leykin, D., Adini, B. (2014). Twitter in the Cross Fire—The Use of Social Media in the Westgate Mall Terror Attack in Kenya. PLoS ONE 9, e104136.
Smith, M. E. (2016). Implementing the global strategy where it matters most: the EU’s credibility deficit and the European neighbourhood. Contemporary Security Policy, 37, 446–460.
Soeters, J. L., Shields, P. M., Rietjens, S. J. H. (Eds.) (2014). Routledge Handbook of Research
Methods in Military Studies, Abingdon, Routledge.
Spillane, J. P., Reiser, B. J., Reimer, T. (2002). Policy implementation and cognition: Reframing and refocusing implementation research. Review of Educational Research, 72, 387–431.
Starr, H. (1980). The Kissinger Years: Studying individuals and foreign policy. International
Studies Quarterly, 24, 465.
Strikwerda, J. (2018). Unexpected compliance? The implementation of the Defence and Security
Procurement Directive. Journal of European Integration, 40, 889–904.
Thelen, K. A. (2014). Varieties of Liberalization and the New Politics of Social Solidarity, Cam- bridge Studies in Comparative Politics, Cambridge, New York, Cambridge University Press. Thomson, C. P. (2016). Public support for economic and military coercion and audience costs.
The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 18(2), 407–421.
Tickner, J. A. (1992). Gender in International Relations: Feminist Perspectives on Achieving
Global Security, New Directions in World Politics, New York, Columbia University Press. Vanhoonacker, S., Pomorska, K. (2013). The European external action service and agenda-set-
ting in European foreign policy. Journal of European Public Policy, 20, 1316–1331.
Vennesson, P. (Ed.) (2000). Politiques de défense: institutions, innovations, européanisation, Paris, Harmattan. Collection Logiques politiques.
Volkens, A., Lehmann, P., Matthiess, T., Merz, N., Regel, S., Wessels, B. (2018). The Manifesto
Data Collection: Manifesto Project (MRG/CMP/MARPOR). Version 2018a. Berlin, Wis- senschaftszentrum Berlin fur Sozialforschung (WZB).
Wackenhut, A. F. (2018). Ethical considerations and dilemmas before, during and after fieldwork
in less-democratic contexts: Some reflections from post-uprising Egypt. The American Sociol- ogist, 49, 242–257.
Wagner, W. (2005). From vanguard to laggard: Germany in European security and defence policy. German Politics, 14, 455–469.
Wagner, W., Herranz-Surrallés, A., Kaarbo, J., Ostermann, F. (2017). The party politics of leg- islative‒executive relations in security and defence policy. West European Politics, 40, 20–41.
Weiss, M. (2013). Integrating the acquisition of Leviathan’s swords? The emerging regulation of
defence procurement within the EU, 26–45. In: Genschel, P., Jachtenfuchs, M. (Eds.), Beyond the Regulatory Polity?Oxford, Oxford University Press.
Wendt, A. (1999). Social Theory of International Politics, Cambridge Studies in International
Relations, Cambridge, New York, Cambridge University Press.
Whitman, R. G. (1998). Creating a foreign policy for Europe? Implementing the common foreign and security policy from Maastricht to Amsterdam. Australian Journal of International Affairs,
52, 165–183.
Williams, P. (2004). Who’s making UK foreign policy? International Affairs (Royal Institute of
International Affairs), 80, 911–929.
Wimmer, A., Cederman, L.-E., Min, B. (2009). Ethnic politics and armed conflict: A configura- tional analysis of a new global data set. American Sociological Review, 74, 316–337.