The Impact of Party Pluralism on Societal Integration in Countries with Multiple Societies: Belgium and Iraq as Examples


This paper examines the impact of party pluralism, meaning the existence of multiple political parties representing different ideologies and interests, on societal integration in countries containing multiple distinct societies, such as cultural, ethnic, linguistic, or religious groups. Belgium and Iraq are analyzed as case studies where the proliferation of political parties organized along societal lines has had major consequences for national unity and stability. The paper tracks the origins and evolution of the multiparty systems in both countries, looking at how certain political institutions like proportional representation enabled a fractured party landscape. The effects of excessive party pluralism on governing capability, social cohesion, separatism, democratic consolidation, and national identity are explored. While party pluralism holds democratic benefits, in divided societies it risks entrenching societal divisions in the political sphere. The paper concludes by proposing institutional reforms that could mitigate these risks and foster greater inter-societal cooperation, like electoral system changes or federalism.


In many countries around the world, the national population is comprised of multiple societal groups defined by cleavages like ethnicity, language, religion, or culture. While diversity can enrich societies, deep divisions along societal lines can also pose challenges for national unity, democratic stability, and effective governance. One major factor influencing the dynamics between multiple societal groups within a country is the party system—specifically, the degree of party pluralism present. Party pluralism refers to the existence of multiple political parties reflecting distinct ideologies, interests and societal identities competing in the electoral and legislative arenas (Huber 2017). High levels of party pluralism tend to emerge in societies characterized by many cross-cutting cleavages without a dominant cleavage, as different groups mobilize into distinct parties to pursue their interests in the political sphere. However, in deeply divided societies, party pluralism frequently institutionalizes societal divisions within the party system, with different parties representing specific communal groups (Chandra 2005). While moderate pluralism allows for the representation of diverse interests, extreme pluralism along exclusionary societal lines can inhibit compromise, consensus-building, and societal integration at the national level.

This paper examines the consequences of high party pluralism on societal integration, governance, and democratic stability in divided societies through case studies of two countries: Belgium and Iraq. Belgium is a western European democracy with deep linguistic divisions between Flemish Dutch-speakers and French-speakers, as well as regional tensions. Iraq is a developing democracy in the Middle East with major ethno-sectarian divisions between Arab Shia, Arab Sunnis, and Kurds. Both countries have experienced extraordinary party system fragmentation as societal cleavages have been replicated in the proliferation of identity-based political parties. Yet in both cases, excessive party pluralism has been linked to political instability, separatism, democratic malfunctioning, and societal polarization.

The paper begins by discussing the theoretical debate on party pluralism in divided societies and outlining the research methodology. It then provides historical-institutionalist analyses of the emergence and evolution of multiparty politics in Belgium and Iraq, tracing how identity-based parties took root. Next, it examines how highly pluralized, identity-based party systems have impacted societal integration and governance in each country across several dimensions. Finally, it concludes by proposing institutional reforms such as electoral system changes and federalist decentralization that could mitigate the risks of unrestrained pluralism and foster greater inter-societal cooperation. The case studies offer insights into managing diversity in deeply divided societies through party system engineering.

Theoretical Debate on Party Pluralism in Divided Societies

Scholars have long debated the optimal level of party pluralism in divided societies containing multiple societal groups. One perspective argues that highly plural party systems which proportionally represent all major societal segments can defuse tensions by ensuring all groups have voice in the political sphere. By contrast, restricting pluralism risks alienating excluded groups and sparking anti-system opposition (Lijphart 1977; Ordeshook and Shvetsova 1994). Furthermore,multiparty systems compel cooperation across societal lines, fostering moderation and inclusion (Lijphart 2004). The opposing view counters that highly fragmented party systems institutionalize and potentially exacerbate societal divisions. Parties based strictly on identities prevent cross-cutting issue-based alignments, inhibit consensus and compromise, and undermine overarching national loyalties (Horowitz 1985, 1991). While both perspectives contain valid insights, the latter school provides a more compelling case about the risks of unrestrained pluralism in severely divided societies.

This paper embraces the perspective that overly fragmented identity-based party systems can undermine democratic governance and national integration in plural societies, while acknowledging the need for fair representation of all major social groups. It examines two case studies in Belgium and Iraq where societal fragmentation generated highly pluralized party systems dominated by ethno-linguistic, religious and sectarian parties. High party pluralism in both cases reproduced societal divisions electorally and parliamentarily, preventing the emergence of overarching national parties and stabilizing policy coalitions. The proliferation of identity parties exacerbated polarization between groups, weakened central state authority, and triggered reform crises which threatened national integrity. Therefore, while party pluralism can justly represent diverse interests, highly fragmented systems structured strictly along societal lines carry risks in diverse societies. The cases suggest institutional reforms like electoral system changes to incentivize aggregative, cross-communal parties may be necessary to mitigate excessive pluralism, while still ensuring inclusive representation.


This paper employs structured, focused comparative case studies of Belgium and Iraq to assess a theoretical proposition about the effects of highly pluralized, identity-based party systems on societal integration and governance in divided societies. Belgium and Iraq represent crucial cases where the independent variable, excessive societal-based party pluralism, and the outcomes of interest are clearly present. The case study methodology combines within-case analysis of each country with a structured cross-case comparison on the dimensions of societal fragmentation, party system evolution, and effects of pluralism on stability, democracy, and national identity. Process tracing is used to establish the hypothesized casual mechanisms linking unrestrained party pluralism to negative outcomes within each case. The paper utilizes primary sources like party manifestos and electoral results, as well as secondary academic sources on party development, electoral systems, federalism, and democratization in both countries. The multi-method approach combining historical-institutional analysis, comparative politics, and causal inference provides leverage to evaluate the impact of highly pluralized, identity-based party systems on divided societies.

Origins of Fragmented Party Systems


Belgium has a deeply fragmented party system stemming from the country’s profound ethno-linguistic divide between Flemish Dutch-speakers (~60% of the population) concentrated in the northern region of Flanders, and Francophone Walloons (~40%) in the southern region of Wallonia around Brussels (Deschouwer 2009). Belgium transitioned to democracy in the late 19th century amidst the ascendance of mass political parties, initially dominated by the Catholic Party which straddled the linguistic border. Yet societal pluralism soon manifested in the proliferation of distinct ideological and regional parties, especially among the more populous Flemings, fostered by the adoption of proportional representation (PR) in 1899 which provided minor parties parliamentary access (Deschouwer 2012).

Linguistic tensions erupted in the interwar period with Flemish groups like the far-right Flemish National Union seeking Dutch language rights and home rule, while some Walloon factions advocated annexation to France (Witte et al. 2000). By the 1960s, the three main political families had split into separate Flemish and Francophone parties including the Christian Democrats, Liberals, and Socialists, entrenching the linguistic divide electorally (Deschouwer 2009). The postwar period also saw the rise of regionalist parties in Flanders and Wallonia favoring federalization or separatism, like the Flemish People’s Union and the Francophone Democratic Front of Francophones (Dewachter 1987). Constitutional reforms in 1970, 1980, 1988-89 and 1993 steadily devolved powers to regional parliaments and governments in Flanders, Wallonia, and Brussels, transforming Belgium into a complex federation (Swenden and Jans 2006). In tandem, Belgium’s party system fragmented further as the main Flemish and Francophone parties each split into at least two factions competing within their own communities, while remaining divided by language at the national level where they formed coalition governments (Deschouwer 2012).


Modern Iraq emerged from Ottoman rule in the 1920s as a multiethnic, multisectarian state headed by Sunni Arab elites, dominated by Sunni and Shia Arab Muslims but with a sizable Kurdish minority concentrated in the north. Under the monarchy, political parties initially mobilized along ideological, clan and ethnic lines (Visser 2005). The most influential early parties seeking greater self-rule included the Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP) and the Iraqi Communist Party with multiethnic support. The 1958 revolution which overthrew the monarchy inaugurated decades of authoritarian Ba’athist rule, marked by the systemic exclusion and repression of both Kurdish and Shia opposition.

After the 2003 US invasion toppled Saddam Hussein, democratic elections were organized under a new constitution enshrining principles of ethno-sectarian power-sharing and federalism (Dodge 2014). But the party system that emerged became highly fragmented and polarized along ethnic and sectarian lines, enabled by the electoral system combining province-based district plurality voting and a single national constituency under PR (Larson 2017). Parties like newly ascendant Shia Islamist parties, the Kurdish KDP and Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), and Sunni Arab parties drew support exclusively from their respective societal groups as sectarian identities were mobilized electorally (Allawi 2007). The result was a multiplicity of Sunni, Shia, Kurdish, secular and religious parties lacking any cross-ethnic or cross-sectarian appeal. This party system institutionalized and exacerbated Iraq’s societal cleavages rather than bridging them.

Effects on Societal Integration and Governance

The proliferation of identity-based parties in Belgium and Iraq had major impacts on the capability for effective and stable democratic governance, national unity and societal integration. Several negative effects are evident across the two cases.

Increased Difficulty of Coalition Formation and Governance

The high level of party system fragmentation in both countries greatly increased the difficulty of establishing majority governing coalitions, resulting in protracted government formation negotiations and chronic political instability. In Belgium, the splitting of the party system into separate Flemish and Francophone contingents left no parties able to govern alone, necessitating coalition governments crossing the linguistic divide. But the two communities have divergent economic interests, with the more prosperous Flemish resenting fiscal transfers to Wallonia. Flimsy coalitions between ideologically incompatible Flemish and Francophone parties became prone to collapse due to gridlock and animosity between linguistic factions. Between 1999 and 2011, Belgium underwent six government crises stemming from communal tensions (Deschouwer 2012). The longest crisis lasted from 2010-2011, with Belgium operating for 18 months without an elected government due to the inability to bridge divisions and forge a functional governing majority.

In Iraq, the plethora of competing ethno-sectarian parties precluded single-party majorities, yielding unstable multi-party coalitions governments following each post-invasion election. The major factions lacked common ideological orientations or policy agendas beyond ethno-sectarian interests, undermining viable coalition-building (Allawi 2007). Government formation negotiations dragged on for months amid factional jockeying for cabinet positions and mutual veto wielding, creating protracted political vacuums after elections (Katzman 2022). The ethno-sectarian power-sharing system also enabled small parties to play kingmaker roles, holding coalition governments hostage to their narrow agendas. Excessively fragmented, polarized party systems in both countries undermined the emergence of cohesive, effective national governments.

Rise of Separatism

The proliferation of regionalist and nationalist parties in both Belgium and Iraq advocating separatism fostered secessionist sentiments and crises which threatened national unity. In Belgium, the rise of the Flemish People’s Union and other nationalist parties pressing for independence found increasing support among Flemings since the 1970s (Deschouwer 2009). Demands grew for the outright division of Belgium into separate Flemish and Walloon states. Tensions erupted into the 2007-2011 Belgian political crisis, as Flemish nationalist factions paralyzed coalition-building to press for devolution of powers, stoking Francophone fears of a breakup. Only major constitutional reforms granting more autonomy pacified Flemish autonomists. Yet separatism remains a force, with the secessionist New Flemish Alliance serving in government, indicating risks to Belgium’s continuity as an intact state (DeWinter et al. 2006).

In Iraq, Kurdish nationalist parties like the KDP and PUK dominated the northern Kurdistan region and pursued a separatist agenda persistently from the 1960s onwards, fueled by ethnic discrimination and repression (Stansfield 2004). The proliferation of Kurdish nationalist parties after 2003, now with representation in national institutions like parliament, emboldened Kurdish aspirations for outright independence. The 2017 Kurdish independence referendum spearheaded by the KDP sparked a severe crisis with Baghdad, as the fragmented party system provides Kurdish factions platform to stoke secessionism (Hiltermann et al. 2020). Ethno-nationalist parties in both countries effectively mobilized societal groups towards separatist goals that gravely threatened national unity.

Democratic Dysfunction

Unbridled party pluralism in Belgium and Iraq also produced democratic dysfunction, through policy immobilism, elections devoid of national deliberation, and disconnect between voters and elites. In Belgium, the split party system bred polarization between linguistic communities, with absence of nationwide media and party organizations limiting inter-societal communication (Deschouwer 2012). Election campaigns centered on ethnocentric appeals around Flemish or Francophone interests rather than national concerns. Meanwhile, the need for unwieldy coalition governments entreated party elites to engage in compromises far from voter preferences. These conditions engendered disaffection with mainstream parties, periodic surges for extremist groups like Flemish nationalists, and democratic discontent especially in Flanders about the linguistic stalemate (Abts et al. 2012).

Similarly, the fragmented, ethnosectarian party system in post-invasion Iraq reinforced societal divisions and impeded the development of encompassing national discourse during elections (Dodge 2014). Campaign rhetoric fixated on ethno-sectarian identity and interests rather than ideological platforms or policy issues. Consequently, election results lacked democratic legitimacy as they simply redistributed power between ethnosectarian blocs rather than reflecting national policy mandates. Furthermore, the diffusion of authority across myriad governing parties enabled by proportional representation stymied decisive policy action, fueling citizen dissatisfaction with democracy (Katzman 2022). In both countries, unrestrained pluralism undercut crucial mechanisms of democratic accountability, deliberation and responsiveness.

Weakened National Identity

Finally, the proliferation of exclusive identity-based parties weakened overarching national identity and solidarity in Belgium and Iraq. In Belgium, the splitting of parties into separate Flemish and Francophone equivalents fostered divergent partisan subcultures and antagonistic group identities, as politics became an extension of ethno-linguistic struggle rather than channeling it constructively (Deschouwer 2009). With no parties advancing a shared Belgian identity and interest, the idea of the nation as a unified community eroded. Flemish citizens increasingly saw themselves not as Belgian but solely Flemish, with separatist parties gaining appeal, while Francophones clung to Belgian unity for economic reasons (De Winter et al. 2006). The absence of cross-cutting, catch-all parties to socialize citizens into an overarching national identity allowed social fragmentation to deepen unimpeded.

In Iraq, the post-invasion party system utterly failed to transcend ethno-sectarian divisions and promote an inclusive Iraqi national identity and consciousness. Most Sunni Arab and Kurdish parties opposed the consolidation of central state authority, while Shia Islamist factions sought a majoritarian monopoly of power which alienated other groups (Allawi 2007). The fragmented system fostered a segmented political culture where parties propagated exclusionary sub-national identities rather than common nationhood. With no multiethnic nationalist parties emerging, Iraqi national identity eroded amidst the unchecked rise of competing ethno-sectarian nationalisms advanced by identity-based parties (Dodge 2018). Unbridled pluralism in both cases enabled the erosion of an integrated national identity and solidarity.

Institutional Solutions for Diverse Societies

The Belgian and Iraqi cases demonstrate that highly fragmented, identity-based party systems originating from societal cleavages carry grave risks to democratic stability, national integrity, and societal integration in divided societies. Yet accommodating diversity via fair, inclusive representation remains essential in plural states. Institutional reforms could mitigate excessive partisanship and encourage cross-cutting, conciliatory party politics within the constraints of proportional systems.

Electoral system design is a powerful tool. For example, raising the threshold for parliamentary seats above customary levels of 2-5% would constrain micro-parties built around parochial identities (Ordeshook and Shvetsova 1994). Preferential voting in multi-member districts would allow citizens to rank candidates across party lines, moderating campaigns and fostering vote transfers between groups (Horowitz 1985). Explicitly ethnosectarian quotas could be replaced with a principled diversity requirement for party lists. Federalist devolution granting regional autonomy can also defuse secessionism, as in Canada or India, but requires balancing with integrative central institutions. Centripetalism which structures democratic institutions to incentivize intergroup accommodation, rather than codifying divisions, offers a promising approach (Reilly 2001). Output-based legitimacy emphasizing effective governance over ethno-sectarian quotas may also foster programmatic multiethnic parties oriented to voters’ shared economic interests (Stokes et al. 2013).

Implementing institutional engineering to curb unrestrained identity party fragmentation, promote aggregative party behavior, and cultivate crosscutting interests is crucial for enabling functional democracy, national integration and societal harmony in severely divided societies. The challenges of party pluralism necessitate nuanced electoral and federal arrangements to achieve representation without entrenchment of polarization.


This paper utilized the case studies of Belgium and Iraq to assess the effects of highly fragmented, identity-based party systems on societal integration, democratic governance and national unity in divided societies. It traced the historical-institutional origins of excessive party pluralism in both countries, analyzing how societal cleavages transposed into party politics were deepened by permissive electoral institutions allowing unlimited proliferation of micro-parties appealing to narrow identities. The paper finds that unconstrained ethnolingu

istic, religious and sectarian party pluralism had major detrimental impacts in Belgium and Iraq across several dimensions:

  • Coalition formation and governance were paralyzed by the multiplicity of mutually distrustful identity-based factions, yielding chronic political instability.
  • Separatist nationalist parties gained strength, stoking independence movements that threatened the dissolution of both states.
  • Democratic legitimacy and efficacy were undermined by elections devoid of national deliberation and unaccountable policy immobilism.
  • Overarching national identity and solidarity eroded as parties propagated exclusionary sub-national identities rather than common nationhood.

Therefore, the cases confirm scholarship positing that highly fragmented identity party systems risk severely exacerbating polarization, instability, and societal division in divided societies.

Yet democratization in diverse societies still requires fair, inclusive representation of salient societal cleavages to prevent oppression and conflict. The solution may be implementing carefully crafted institutional reforms to curb excessive pluralism while upholding minority rights. Options include raising electoral thresholds for party representation, preferential voting requiring cross-group transfers, replacing explicit ethnic quotas with diversity requirements, and federalist devolution of powers to defuse secessionism. Centripetalism offers a framework for engineering electoral and party rules that incentivize aggregation and compromise. Output legitimacy emphasizing effective governance over ethno-sectarian quotas could also foster programmatic multiethnic parties.

Managing diversity through party system design remains imperative for democracy and stability in severely divided societies. The challenges illuminated by Belgium, Iraq and other cases underline that unrestrained identity party pluralism risks harming democratic quality, national integration and societal harmony. But well-crafted institutional solutions can mitigate excessive fragmentation and its effects. The nuanced engineering of electoral systems, party regulations, and federal models to constrain partisan polarization while guaranteeing inclusive representation merits further comparative study as an essential prerequisite for just, stable democracy in diverse states.


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SAKHRI Mohamed
SAKHRI Mohamed

I hold a bachelor's degree in political science and international relations as well as a Master's degree in international security studies, alongside a passion for web development. During my studies, I gained a strong understanding of key political concepts, theories in international relations, security and strategic studies, as well as the tools and research methods used in these fields.

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