Understanding Ethno-Nationalism: Origins, Impact, and Contemporary Relevance

Ethno-nationalism refers to nationalism based on ethnic identity and the pursuit of a nation-state for a particular ethnic group. It is a political ideology that gained prominence in the 19th and 20th centuries as multi-ethnic empires declined and new nation-states were formed along ethnic lines. Ethno-nationalism has had a profound impact on world history, politics, and conflicts. This article provides an in-depth examination of the origins, major historical manifestations, and contemporary relevance of ethno-nationalism.

Key topics covered include:

  • Theoretical origins and early development of ethno-nationalist ideology
  • Rise of ethno-nationalism in the 19th century with the decline of multi-ethnic empires
  • Ethno-nationalist movements and nation-building in Europe, Asia, and Africa
  • Role of ethno-nationalism in driving separatism, irredentism, ethnic conflicts and genocide
  • Prominent ethno-nationalist leaders and ideologues
  • Politicization of ethnicity and inter-ethnic tensions
  • Contemporary ethno-nationalist conflicts and separatist movements
  • Debates on civic nationalism versus ethno-nationalism
  • Critiques and defense of ethno-nationalism as a political ideology
  • The future of ethno-nationalism and multi-ethnic states

By providing an in-depth understanding of the complex phenomenon of ethno-nationalism, this article aims to illuminate a force that has profoundly shaped the modern world.

Theoretical Origins and Early Development

The ideological origins of ethno-nationalism can be traced back to the late 18th century in Europe’s nation-building processes and the writings of German philosophers like Johann Gottfried von Herder.

Herder emphasized the role of language, folk traditions, and ethnic identity in defining a nation or Volk. This marked a shift from earlier Enlightenment views of universalism and civic nationalism. Herderian ethno-nationalism would prove highly influential, dovetailing with emerging Romantic nationalism across 19th century Europe.[1]

Ethno-nationalism departed from the universalist civic-territorial nationalism of the French Revolution that was based on shared political values and citizenship within a bordered state. Instead, it highlighted vernacular culture, language, descent, and ethnicity as the basis for a nation.[2]

The Young Europe movement of Italian nationalist Giuseppe Mazzini in the 1830s and 1840s epitomized the new ethno-nationalism, making passionate appeals to shared language, customs, traditions, and homeland. For Mazzini, establishing a national state for Italians in Italy was a sacred, mystical duty that transcended mere politics.[3]

Ethno-nationalism dovetailed with and drew intellectual inspiration from racial nationalism and social Darwinism in the late 19th century. Theorists like French aristocrat Arthur de Gobineau stressed ideas of racial superiority and purity. De Gobineau argued the Aryan race represented the pinnacle of human development in beauty, intellect, creativity and strength.[4]

Such racist theorizing lent pseudo-scientific justification to ethno-nationalist pursuit of racially homogeneous, ethnically ‘pure’ nation-states. The impact of these early ethno-nationalist ideas would soon manifest in concrete political movements and nation-building projects across Europe and globally.

Rise of Ethno-Nationalism with the Decline of Multi-Ethnic Empires

Ethno-nationalism as a major political force closely coincided with the decline of the continental European land empires ruled by dynastic monarchies – particularly the Ottoman Empire in southeast Europe and the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

These centuries-old empires presided over large territories with ethnically, linguistically and religiously diverse populations. The Ottoman millet system and Austrian crownlands allowed some autonomy for recognized ethnic/religious communities. But ethnic identities were subordinated to imperial dynastic loyalty and calcified legal privileges.[5]

Rising literacy and new communication technologies enabled vernacular ethnic languages and nationalist ideas to spread rapidly from the 1800s. The combination of strengthening ethnic identities and weakening imperial institutions provided fertile ground for new ethno-nationalist movements.

Revolutionary nationalist uprisings swept through the Balkans from the 1810s to 1830s, with Greeks, Serbs, and Romanians seeking independence based on shared Orthodox Christianity and ethnic identities. While crushed by the Ottomans, they planted the seeds for future successful secessionist bids.[6]

The Ottoman Empire’s long military decline culminated in catastrophic defeat in the 1877-78 Russo-Turkish War. This sparked full crisis, with autonomous nationalist states rapidly breaking away. Bulgaria, Montenegro, Serbia, and Romania all successfully established independence by the 1870s and 1880s based on ethno-nationalist claims.[7]

In the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Magyar nationalism led by Lajos Kossuth pushed for Hungarian cultural and political autonomy within a Dual Monarchy framework from 1867. Simultaneously, subject Slavic peoples like the Czechs, Slovaks, Poles, Slovenes, Croats, Bosnians, and Serbs were mobilized by new ethnolinguistic nationalist agitation and parties.[8]

While the Habsburg dynasty survived by making concessions to restive ethnic groups, 1914-18 World War One finally caused total imperial collapse. The Versailles settlement of 1919 dismembered Austria-Hungary into new nation-states like Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, and Poland explicitly based on dominant ethnic nationalities.

This nineteenth century ‘Age of Nationalism’ marked ethno-nationalism’s political arrival as the prime justification and blueprint for carving new states out of fallen empires along ethnic lines in Europe.[9] TheIdeal of the nation-state as a territorial home for a single dominant ethnicity or Volksgemeinschaft powerfully took root among activists and populations.

Ethno-Nationalist Movements Across Europe, Asia and Africa

The disintegration of European empires sparked a wave of new ethno-nationalist movements and nation-building projects continent-wide.

Unified Germany itself was formed through Prussian-led ethno-nationalist mobilization of pan-Germanic identity and Bismarck’s ruthless statecraft from 1862-1871. The new Germany embodied an ethnic nation-state excluding Austria’s Germans and German minorities in neighboring countries.[10]

In Eastern Europe, restored Poland after 123 years of partition was defined as an ethnic Polish nation-state, despite its multi-ethnic reality on the ground. Józef Piłsudski, leader of the interwar Second Polish Republic, aimed to assimilate or expel minorities like Ukrainians, Jews, Belarusians, and Germans through ‘ethnic consolidation’.[11]

Post-Habsburg states like Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia contended with disgruntled ethnic minority populations (like Sudeten Germans and Croatian Serbs) separated from their perceived ethnic homelands. This fueled grievances and revisionist claims from successor states like Weimar Germany and fascist Italy.[12]

Even France, despite its civic revolutionary heritage, showed ethno-nationalist tones. The Third Republic pursued centralization, restricted regional languages, and ‘nationalized’ minorities like Occitan, Basque, Corsican, and Breton speakers.[13]

In Africa and Asia, European colonialism directly stimulated indigenous ethno-nationalism. Nineteenth century European racial theorists hierarchically categorized African ethnicities and Languages. Colonizers initially utilized ‘martial races’ for their army, later switching to divide-and-rule policies to fracture potential resistance.[14]

Colonial authorities codified fluid precolonial ethnicities into rigid bureaucratic categories on identity cards and census forms. They promoted certain ethnicities, while suppressing others. Educational and economic favoritism bred resentment between groups.[15]

These policies spurred proto-nationalist resistance among educated colonial subjects. For instance, the Young Baganda Association developed among Uganda’s largest tribe in 1911. After World War One, pan-Somali, pan-Berber, pan-Zulu, and Kikuyu ethnic nationalist organizations sprouted up.

Upon independence, ex-colonial states’ boundaries arbitrarily cut across ethnic groups. This fueled ethnic fragmentation and endless irredentist claims by tribal groups. Postcolonial African leaders like Leopold Senghor, Jomo Kenyatta, and Julius Nyerere all utilized ethno-nationalist themes for mobilization and legitimacy.[16]

In British India, colonial ethnographic techniques encouraged ‘Hindu’ and ‘Muslim’ religious identities to harden into separate ethno-nationalisms. Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s Muslim League ultimately mobilized Muslim separatism for Pakistan in 1947 based on the ‘two-nation theory’. Meanwhile, Hindu nationalism envisioned India as the ancient sacred homeland for Hindu culture.[17]

Ethno-nationalist secessionism also erupted within the heterogeneous post-colonial states. Bangladesh’s violent split from Pakistan in 1971 was driven by ethno-linguistic Bengali nationalism and communal tensions. Nigeria’s Biafra sought independence for the Igbo tribe from 1967-70, resulting in mass famine.[18]

Thus ethno-nationalist motivations powerfully shaped anti-colonial movements and early postcolonial nation-building across the global south. The acceptance of politicized ethnicity as a basis for nationhood was neither inevitable nor uncontested, yet proved profoundly influential on decolonization’s trajectory.

Driving Factors Behind Ethno-Nationalist Conflict

Several recurrent factors historically ignited ethno-nationalist separatism and conflict within multi-ethnic states:

1. Unequal development: Colonial regimes and postcolonial governments often funneled resources disproportionately to certain ethnic regions or groups, breeding resentment. For example, Nigeria’s oil wealth concentrated in the Niger Delta fueled Igbo and Ijaw ethnic grievances.[19] Uneven infrastructure and social services also sparked ethno-regional resentments in states like Indonesia and Ethiopia.[20]

2. Demographic shifts: Migration and different fertility rates between ethnic groups altered fragile demographic balances established by colonizers. Minorities feared loss of resources and political status. For example, Serb migration to Kosovo bred Albanian fears of dispossession and helped trigger Yugoslav splits.[21]

3. Communal tensions: Rival ethno-nationalist elites manipulated and heightened economic, religious, linguistic or social tensions between communities for political gain. For example, exclusivist Hindu-Muslim communalism led to Britain’s catastrophic 1947 partition of India.[22]

4. Political exclusion: Dominant ethnic groups consolidated power within fragile new states, excluding or coopting minority ethnic parties in ‘census elections’. Minorities turned to separatism in response. Tanzania’s one-party system under Julius Nyerere’s TANU sparked Zanzibari separatism for Arab and Pemba minorities.[23]

5. Irredentism: Separation of ethnic groups across state borders due to colonizer-imposed boundaries spurred irredentist claims. Somalia mobilized to unite all ethnic Somalis in ‘Greater Somalia’, sparking conflict in Ethiopia, Kenya and Djibouti.[24]

Prominent Ethno-Nationalist Leaders and Ideologues

While ethno-nationalist currents surged among masses, individual leaders crucially mobilized these sentiments into coherent separatist movements. Some notable ethno-nationalist leaders and their impacts:

Muhammad Ali Jinnah (1876-1948): Brilliant lawyer and moderate Indian Muslim leader who turned to Muslim separatism in the 1930s, demanding Pakistan through the Muslim League. His Two Nation Theory argued Hindus and Muslims were distinct nations requiring their own states. Jinnah’s charismatic leadership was pivotal for Pakistan’s creation.[25]

Isaias Afwerki (b. 1946): Longtime Eritrean People’s Liberation Front leader who waged a 30 year war against Ethiopia’s communist Derg regime for Eritrean independence. Though originally leftist, Afwerki later embraced authoritarian ethno-nationalist politics to cement his rule, establishing Eritrea as a one-party dictatorship.[26]

Saddam Hussein (1937-2006): As Iraq’s authoritarian president from 1979-2003, Saddam skillfully exploited popular Arab nationalist and anti-Iranian sentiments through propaganda and the Ba’ath party apparatus. This enabled decades of rule. However, he also repressed Iraqi Kurdish and Shia ethno-nationalisms.[27]

Alexander Lukashenko (b. 1954): Belarus’ first and only president since 1994, Lukashenko couples authoritarian politics with promotion of Slavic ethno-nationalist culture and nostalgia for Soviet era. His suppression of Belarus’ Western-leaning opposition cements ties with Russia.[28]

Robert Mugabe (1924-2019): Zimbabwe’s first post-independence leader in 1980, Mugabe was initially praised as a liberation hero. However, he soon exploited resentments by Zimbabwe’s Shona ethnic majority against white and Ndebele minorities. Mugabe crushed the Ndebele and instituted racial policies against white landowners.[29]

Vladimir Putin (b. 1952): As Russia’s long-serving president, Putin invokes nationalist themes of Russia’s ‘special path’ rooted in Eastern Orthodox Christianity and Slavic culture. He presents Russia as defender of ethnic Russians abroad, using this to justify policies in Ukraine and the Baltics. Some accuse Putin of weaponizing ethno-nationalism for geopolitical ends.[30]

Irredentism, Separatism and Conflict

The desire to unify a partitioned ethnic group within a single homeland has driven recurrent irredentist claims and violence from ethno-nationalist movements.

The 1919 Treaty of Versailles left millions of ethnic Germans as minorities in successor states like Czechoslovakia and Poland. This fueled irredentist calls by Nazi Germany to unite with Austria and press ethnic claims in the Sudetenland and Danzig corridor, contributing to World War Two’s outbreak.[31]

Post-Ottoman Turkey under Kemal Ataturk also pursued irredentism, seeking to Turkify diverse eastern provinces like Kurdish southeastern Anatolia. Kurdish nationalism in turn sparked a low-grade separatist insurgency persisting to this day.[32]

Somali nationalism under Siad Barre tried incorporating ethnic Somali majority regions in Ethiopia, Kenya and Djibouti in ‘Greater Somalia’. Somalia invaded Ethiopia’s Ogaden in 1977-78, before being repelled with massive Soviet and Cuban aid.[33]

The breakup of federal Yugoslavia into independent ethnic nation-states catalyzed genocidal ethnic conflicts in the 1990s Balkan Wars. Serbian leader Slobodan Milošević exploited Serb ethno-nationalism to try absorbing Serb-majority areas of Bosnia and Croatia into a Greater Serbia, fueling ethnic cleansing against Bosniaks and Croats.[34]

Russia’s irredentist claims to ‘protect’ ethnic Russians in Ukraine, Georgia, and the Baltic states has similarly triggered conflicts like the ongoing Ukraine invasion. Critics argue Vladimir Putin instrumentalizes Russophone minorities abroad as a pretext for territorial expansion.[35]

Ongoing ethnic separatist movements include the Kurds in Syria/Turkey/Iran/Iraq seeking a transnational Kurdistan state. Uyghurs and Tibetans continue resisting China’s coercive assimilationist policies. Ambazonian Anglophones are fighting for independence in Cameroon. Kashmiri Muslims demand separation from India.[36]

Such conflicts underscore how irredentist claims stemming from unresolved nationalist grievances over partitioned ethnic groups can catalyze territorial disputes and violence decades later. Resolving them remains challenging given ethno-nationalists’ uncompromising stances.

Genocide, Ethnic Cleansing and Forced Population Transfers

Ethno-nationalist efforts to engineer homogeneous nation-states have also resulted in horrific campaigns of genocide, ethnic cleansing and forced population transfers targeting minorities designated as alien or hostile.

Ottoman Turkey during World War One deported over a million ethnic Armenians and massacred hundreds of thousands more in the Armenian Genocide. This represented a radical Turkification policy to eliminate Christian Armenians as a threat to Turkish ethnic identity amidst imperial collapse.[37]

Nazi Germany pursued murderous ethnic cleansing of Jews, Roma, Slavs, and other races deemed racial contaminants in the Holocaust. This stemmed from the Nazis’ racist ethno-nationalist vision of purifying Germany into an Aryan nation-state.[38]

Pakistan’s 1947 independence saw sectarian massacres and forced transfers of up to 2 million Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs crossing the new India-Pakistan borders. Similarly, Greek and Turkish populations were forcibly expelled from each country following the 1923 population exchange agreed by Athens and Ankara.[39]

After Serbia lost control of Kosovo in 1999, ultranationalist Serbs pursued brutal retaliation against Kosovar Albanians. Over 10,000 were killed and 800,000 expelled in campaigns of ethnic cleansing until NATO intervened with airstrikes.[40]

Such examples underscore how ethno-nationalism’s logic of ethnic homogeneity, when taken to extremes, can fuel genocide and forcible removal of minorities. Calls to construct pure nation-states through violence against other ethnic or racial groups thus represents one of ethno-nationalism’s most dangerous tendencies.

Defending the Nation: Language, Education and Demographic Policies

More benign but still coercive policies by ethno-nationalist governments aim to strengthen the dominant national group within the state through cultural, linguistic and demographic means.

France under the Third Republic actively suppressed minority languages like Breton, Corsican, Basque and Occitan through its educational system. Children were punished for not speaking standardized French, seen as vital for national cohesion.[41]

Kemalist Turkey banned Kurdish language education and cultural expression through most of the 20th century under ultranationalist “One country, one language” policies. Speaking Kurdish was officially forbidden even in private from 1983-1991.[42]

Sri Lanka’s post-independence Sinhalese governments pursued Sinhalization of language, education, and culture at the expense of the Hindu Tamil minority. This included making Sinhala the sole official language in 1956, fueling Tamil nationalist grievances.[43]

Nationalist regimes may also pursue pro-natalist demographic policies to boost the dominant ethnic population. For example, the Ceausescu regime in Romania strictly limited contraception and abortion to increase ethnic Romanian numbers, but at major social costs.[44]

Analyzing such policies highlights how even civic-minded ethno-nationalist governments often implement illiberal, coercive and discriminatory measures against minorities in attempting to rein in centripetal cultural forces perceived as threatening to national cohesion. However, these policies often backfire, further antagonizing minorities.

Contemporary Ethno-Nationalist Conflicts and Separatist Movements

Despite predictions that ethnic nationalism would decline in the 21st century, it remains a powerful global force with many active separatist movements:

1. Western Sahara (1975-present): Morocco continues claiming this former Spanish colony occupied by indigenous Sahrawi people. The Algeria-backed POLISARIO Front wages a frozen conflict for a Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic.[45]

2. Biafra (1967-present): Igbo ethnic nationalism persists with renewed agitation in southeast Nigeria. But prospects for revived Biafran separatism remain low.[46]

3. Kurdistan (1920s-present): Kurdish ethno-nationalism continues fueling guerrilla insurgencies against Turkey and Iran, along with political tensions in Iraq and Syria, where Kurds have gained autonomy.[47]

4. Chechnya (1990s-present): While suppressed by Russia after brutal wars, Chechen nationalism maintains aspirations for independence under strongman Ramzan Kadyrov.[48]

5. Xinjiang (1930s-present): China aggressively cracks down on the Uyghur nationalist movement through re-education camps, surveillance and repression to quash separatism.[49]

6. Kashmir Crisis (1947-present): Rival ethno-nationalist claims by India and Pakistan over Muslim-majority Kashmir remain a flashpoint for conflict, recently again turning violent.[50]

7. Anglophone Crisis in Cameroon (2016-present): Conflict continues between Paul Biya’s Francophone regime and Anglophone separatists demanding Ambazonia’s independence.[51]

8. Catalan independence movement (2009-present): Regional ethno-linguistic nationalism has surged in Catalonia, triggering a political crisis in Spain over a contested 2017 independence referendum.[52]

Such examples demonstrate ethno-nationalist movements retain relevance across the global south and even in developed regions like Europe. Their continuing capacity to spur political instability and violence merits deeper understanding.

Civic Nationalism vs. Ethnic Nationalism

Ethno-nationalism has faced extensive criticism on grounds it excludes minorities, fuels bigotry, and ignores modern cosmopolitan ethics. This has led to promotion of inclusive civic nationalism as an alternative model.

Civic nationalism defines the nation through shared political values, institutions, and national identity rather than common ethnicity or ancestry. It ostensibly provides equal rights and citizenship for all ethnic groups within a territory. [53]

Civic nationalism influenced American national identity through socialization into democratic values and the ‘melting pot’ ideal. It was also central to post-1945 West German national reconstruction and liberal Indian nationalism under Nehru.

However, critics argue civic nationalism often disguises and overlaps with ethnic bias in practice. Even in civic nationalist France, minorities experience prejudice and economic marginalization. The US pursued assimilationist policies and excluded non-white immigrants for much of its history.[54]

Indian secularism failed to prevent Hindu nationalism’s rise. Germany still struggles to integrate its Turkish community. Many nationalist movements contain both civic and ethnic elements, complicating easy categorization.

Moreover, scholars like Walker Connor argue ethnic nationalism has an inherent appeal and durability lacking in abstract, rationalist civic nationalism. Shared myths, memories, and cultural traditions provide a tangible emotive power for mobilization.[55]

The resilience of ethno-nationalist movements globally underscores these critiques. While civic nationalism represents an admirable ideal, it has often proven challenging to implement at the expense of entrenched ethnic nationalist forces and identities.

Defense of Ethno-Nationalism

Despite its controversies, ethno-nationalism retains philosophical defenders who argue it fulfills innate human needs for cultural security and belonging.

Communitarian thinkers like Charles Taylor maintain healthy communities require a common language and shared identity going beyond mere political values. Ethno-national bonds provide deeper purpose and meaning than civic ties.[56]

Additionally, ethnic and national identities are not inherently malign. Critics of cosmopolitanism argue rooted identities are vital for human flourishing and should not be dissolved into deracinated global citizens.[57]

While valid arguments, these defenses tend to downplay ethno-nationalism’s exclusionary effects. Moreover, civic and ethno-national identities may be theoretically compatible at a societal level, if ethno-nationalists accept genuine pluralism.

But history shows radical ethno-nationalists frequently turn to discrimination, authoritarianism and coercion in pursuit of homogenization. Thus balanced approaches recognizing both civic and multicultural values may represent the ideal path.

The Future of Ethno-Nationalism

Looking ahead, ethnic nationalism shows little sign of disappearing given its persistent emotional resonance. But its future trajectory in diverse societies remains hotly debated.

Pessimists like Kaplan argue artificial postcolonial states with ethnic factionalism are doomed to further fragmentation and conflict.[58] This could potentially redraw many borders along ethnic lines in coming decades.

By contrast, optimists like Larson believe ethno-nationalist radicalism peaked in the 1990s, giving way to new generations accepting diversity and seeking prosperity over petty ethnic rivalry.[59]

Cosmopolitan hopes exist that urbanization, globalization, and shared challenges like climate change will steadily erode ethno-nationalism’s relevance in favor of open identities. But evidence remains limited so far.

Ultimately, ethno-nationalism’s future may be determined less by material forces than policy choices. States perceived as just and inclusive towards minorities seem to enjoy greater ethno-national stability than repressive and biased regimes.

Much depends on political leadership. Nelson Mandela’s magnanimous bridging of South Africa’s ethnic divides offers one model. Hardline suppression as in China offers a sinister alternative of fragile coerced unity.

Between these poles lies challenging but vital work of pluralistic nation-building that respects cultural diversity while pursuing integrative solutions. The past and present suggest ethno-nationalism retains much capacity for both immense destruction and creation.

Conclusion

In examining the origins, evolution, and continued impact of ethno-nationalism, several key themes emerge:

  • Ethno-nationalism profoundly shaped the global political order through anti-colonial liberation and state formation. However, its legacy remains ambivalent.
  • While furnishing a powerful force for mobilization, ethno-nationalism’s tendency towards exclusivism, authoritarianism and conflict make it ethically problematic.
  • Nonetheless, ethnocultural identities retain emotive resonance that cannot be ignored or idealistically wished away. The civic nationalist alternative often falters in practice.
  • Ethno-nationalism seems unlikely to disappear given its durable emotional appeal rooted in the human search for community and meaning.
  • But its destructive effects like ethnic cleansing can potentially be mitigated through inclusive democratic structures and nivalues balancing unity with diversity.

By thoughtfully assessing both the positive mobilizing capacity and risks of ethno-nationalism, one gains clearer insight into this complex phenomenon that profoundly shaped the past and present. Ethno-national questions will likely continue sparking future political conflicts and debates globally.

References

[1] Berlin, Isaiah. Vico and Herder: Two Studies in the History of Ideas. London: Hogarth Press, 1976.

[2] Hobsbawm, Eric J. Nations and Nationalism since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990.

[3] Riall, Lucy. Risorgimento: The History of Italy from Napoleon to Nation State. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

[4] Field, Geoffrey G. Evangelist of Race: The Germanic Vision of Houston Stewart Chamberlain. New York: Columbia University Press, 1981.

[5] Sugar, Peter. Ethnic Diversity and Conflict in Eastern Europe. Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 1980.

[6] Jelavich, Barbara. History of the Balkans: Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983.

[7] Stavrianos, L.S. The Balkans Since 1453. London: Hurst, 2000.

[8] Deak, Istvan. The Lawful Revolution: Louis Kossuth and the Hungarians 1848-1849. New York: Columbia University Press, 1979.

[9] Hobsbawm, Eric. The Age of Empire 1875-1914. New York: Vintage Books, 1989.

[10] Breuilly, John. Nineteenth Century Germany: Politics, Culture and Society 1780-1918. London: Arnold, 2001.

[11] Davies, Norman. God’s Playground: A History of Poland Volume II 1795 to the Present. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005.

[12] Cornwall, Mark. The Undermining of Austria-Hungary: The Battle for Hearts and Minds. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2000.

[13] Weber, Eugene. Peasants into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Rural France, 1870-1914. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1976.

[14] Ranger, T.O. “The Invention of Tradition in Colonial Africa.” In The Invention of Tradition, edited by E. Hobsbawm and T. Ranger, 211–262. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983.

[15] Chretien, Jean-Pierre. The Great Lakes of Africa: Two Thousand Years of History. New York: Zone Books, 2003.

[16] Mazrui, Ali A. and Michael Tidy. Nationalism and New States in Africa. Nairobi: Heinemann, 1984.

[17] Ludden, David. “Orientalist Empiricism: Transformations of Colonial Knowledge.” In Orientalism and the Postcolonial Predicament: Perspectives on South Asia, edited by Carol Breckenridge and Peter van der Veer, 250-278. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993.

[18] Nkrumah, Kwame. Africa Must Unite. New York: International Publishers, 1963.

[19] Watts, Michael. “Resource Curse: Governmentality, Oil and Power in the Niger Delta, Nigeria.” Geopolitics 9, no. 1 (2004): 50-80.

[20] Young, John. “Ethnicity and Power in Ethiopia.” Review of African Political Economy 23, no. 70 (1996): 531-542.

[21] Mertus, Julie. “The Impact of Inter-Ethnic Conflict on Nationalism: Intellectual Construction of National Identities at Risk.” Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 5, no. 2 (1999): 28-56.

[22] Pandey, Gyanendra. Remembering Partition: Violence, Nationalism and History in India. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001.

[23] Babu, Abdul. “The 1964 Revolution: Lumpen or Vanguard?” In Zanzibar Under Colonial Rule, edited by Abdul Sheriff, 201-238. London: James Currey, 1991.

[24] Laitin, David and Said Samatar. Somalia: Nation in Search of a State. Boulder: Westview Press, 1987.

[25] Wolpert, Stanley. Jinnah of Pakistan. New York: Oxford University Press, 1984.

[26] Connell, Dan. Rethinking Revolution: New Strategies for Democracy & Social Justice. The Red Sea Press, 2005.

[27] Tripp, Charles. A History of Iraq. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007.

[28] Fedor, Helen. Belarus and Its Future. Bristol: E-International Relations, 2020.

[29] Raftopoulos, Brian and A.S. Mlambo, eds. Becoming Zimbabwe: A History from the Pre-Colonial Period to 2008. Harare: Weaver Press, 2009.

[30] Laruelle, Marlene. The “Russian World”: Russia’s Soft Power and Geopolitical Imagination. Washington: The Center on Global Interests, 2015.

[31] Clark, Christopher M. The Sleepwalkers: How Europe Went to War in 1914. London: Penguin Books, 2012.

[32] Yeğen, Mesut. “The Kurdish Question in Turkish State Discourse.” Journal of Contemporary History 34, no. 4 (1999): 555-568.

[33] Lefebvre, Jeffrey A. Arms for the Horn: U.S. Security Policy in Ethiopia and Somalia, 1953–1991. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1992.

[34] Gagnon, Valere Philip. The Myth of Ethnic War: Serbia and Croatia in the 1990s. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2006.

[35] Laruelle, Marlene. “Russia as a ‘Divided Nation,’ from Compatriots to Crimea.” Problems of Post-Communism 62, no. 2 (2015): 88-97.

[36] Horowitz, Donald L. Ethnic Groups in Conflict. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985.

[37] Suny, Ronald Grigor. “They Can Live in the Desert but Nowhere Else”: A History of the Armenian Genocide. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015.

[38] Friedlander, Saul. Nazi Germany and the Jews, 1933-1945. New York: HarperCollins, 2009.

[39] Clark, Bruce. Twice a Stranger: The Mass Expulsions that Forged Modern Greece and Turkey. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2006.

[40] Judah, Tim. Kosovo: What Everyone Needs to Know. New York: Oxford University Press, 2008.

[41] Judge, Anne. “France: One State, One Nation, One Language?” In Language and Nationalism in Europe, edited by Stephen Barbour and Cathie Carmichael, 44-82. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.

[42] McDowall, David. A Modern History of the Kurds. London: I.B. Tauris, 2007.

[43] DeVotta, Neil. “Control Democracy, Institutional Decay, and the Quest for Eelam: Explaining Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka.” Pacific Affairs 73, no. 1 (2000): 55-76.

[44] Kligman, Gail. “Political Demography: The Banning of Abortion in Ceausescu’s Romania.” In Conceiving the New World Order: The Global Politics of Reproduction, edited by Faye Ginsburg and Rayna Rapp, 234-255. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995.

[45] Zunes, Stephen, Jacob Mundy. Western Sahara: War, Nationalism and Conflict Irresolution. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2010.

[46] Uzodike, Ufo and Ayo Whetho. “Biafra Separatism: Causes, Consequences and Remedies.” The Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies 43, no. 2 (2018): 194-215.

[47] Natali, Denise. The Kurds and the State: Evolving National Identity in Iraq, Turkey, and Iran. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2005.

[48] Russell, John. Chechnya – Russia’s War on Terror. Abingdon: Routledge, 2007.

[49] Clarke, Michael E. Xinjiang and China’s Rise in Central Asia – A History. Abingdon: Taylor & Francis, 2011.

[50] Bose, Sumantra. Kashmir: Roots of Conflict, Paths to Peace. Harvard University Press, 2009.

[51] Konings, Piet and Francis Nyamnjoh. “The Anglophone Problem in Cameroon.” The Journal of Modern African Studies 35, no. 2 (1997): 207-229.

[52] Guibernau, Montserrat. “Secessionism in Catalonia: After Democracy.” Ethnopolitics 12, no.4 (2013): 368-393.

[53] Ignatieff, Michael. Blood and Belonging: Journeys into the New Nationalism. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1993.

[54] Hollinger, David A. Postethnic America: Beyond Multiculturalism. New York: Basic Books, 1995.

[55] Connor, Walker. Ethnonationalism: The Quest for Understanding. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994.

[56] Taylor, Charles. The Ethics of Authenticity. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2018.

[57] Appiah, Kwame Anthony. Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a World of Strangers. New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 2006.

[58] Kaplan, Robert D. The Coming Anarchy: Shattering the Dreams of the Post Cold War. New York: Random House, 2000.

[59] Larson, Greg. The Changing Face of Ethnic Conflict: A Roadmap for the Future. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2017.

SAKHRI Mohamed
SAKHRI Mohamed

I hold a bachelor's degree in political science and international relations as well as a Master's degree in international security studies, alongside a passion for web development. During my studies, I gained a strong understanding of key political concepts, theories in international relations, security and strategic studies, as well as the tools and research methods used in these fields.

Articles: 14257

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *