Opportunities and Challenges of Implementing the “Two-State Solution” After the Gaza War

The concept of the two-state solution for Palestine (i.e., an Arab Palestinian state and a Jewish state) predates the establishment of Israel on May 15, 1948. The “Balfour Declaration” of 1917, where the United Kingdom promised to “establish a national home for the Jewish people in Palestine,” transformed from a British promise to an international commitment under the 1922 Mandate for Palestine issued by the League of Nations with Allied approval. This mandate granted Britain the authority to facilitate the establishment of a Jewish national home and allowed British mandatory authorities in Palestine to permit Jewish immigration, leading to protests from the Palestinian people. These protests and demonstrations expanded until they culminated in the Palestinian uprising of 1936, which lasted until 1939 and was led by the Arab Higher Committee.

This article discusses the opportunities and challenges of implementing the two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict under the current conditions in the Middle East following the outbreak of the Gaza War on October 7, 2023, by outlining the historical background of this solution and the beginnings and phases of its emergence.

Historical Overview:

The historical development of the two-state solution in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict can be traced through the following:

The Peel Commission and the Emergence of the Partition Idea: After the outbreak of the Palestinian uprising in 1936, which caused disturbances between Palestinians, the mandatory authorities, and Jewish immigrants, Britain formed a Royal Commission to investigate the causes of these disturbances and assess the nature of mandatory policies and grievances of various parties. The commission, known as the Peel Commission after its chairman, Lord Robert Peel, traveled to Palestine in November 1936 and heard hundreds of testimonies from representatives of Arab and Jewish parties. In July 1937, the commission’s final report was published, recommending the partition of Palestine into an Arab state and a Jewish state.

UN General Assembly Resolution on Partition: The recommendation for the partition of Palestine in the Peel Commission’s report formed the basis for UN General Assembly Resolution 181, passed on November 29, 1947. The General Assembly was tasked with addressing the situation in Palestine before the end of the British mandate. It established a committee to provide necessary recommendations to prevent disturbances and restore peace, and this committee proposed the partition of Palestine into an Arab Palestinian state and a Jewish state, with Jerusalem having a special international status.

The two-state solution idea remained persistent and was included in various Arab initiatives, such as the “King Fahd Initiative” in 1981, the Palestinian Declaration of Independence in 1988 following the outbreak of the First Intifada, and the Palestinian acceptance of “two states for two peoples.” This was followed by the Oslo Accords or the Declaration of Principles signed on September 13, 1993, which was supposed to lead to the establishment of a Palestinian state after the Palestine Liberation Organization recognized Israel and Israel recognized the PLO as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, culminating in the Arab Peace Initiative of 2002.

The Oslo process and its implementations faced setbacks, particularly regarding final status issues, such as borders, Jerusalem, and refugees, during the “Camp David 2” summit in 2000, which led to the outbreak of the Second Intifada. The Quartet, comprising the United States, Russia, the European Union, and the United Nations, then developed the Roadmap for Peace recommended by former U.S. President George W. Bush, outlining a path for the establishment of a Palestinian state following agreed-upon security arrangements.

The United Nations recognized the Declaration of the State of Palestine issued by the Palestinian National Council on November 15, 1988, through Resolution 43/177 on December 15, 1988, affirming the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination in the territories occupied since 1967. Additionally, the UN General Assembly adopted Resolution 19/67 on November 26, 2012, granting Palestine non-member observer state status in the UN and calling on the Security Council to positively consider Palestine’s bid for full membership in the United Nations.

Challenges to Implementation:

Despite near-global consensus on the necessity of a two-state solution as the only feasible way out of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict’s vicious cycle—expressed in statements from numerous officials and leaders across various European countries, the United States, China, Russia, and others—this international approach is not easily realized in practical terms. The discourse and political positions surrounding the two-state solution are fraught with numerous and deep-rooted difficulties in practice.

One of the most significant challenges is the prevailing right-wing and extremist religious climate in Israel, which has dominated since the rise of the coalition government led by Benjamin Netanyahu in December 2022. It is true that Israeli opposition to the two-state solution existed before the formation and governance of this coalition due to Netanyahu’s longstanding central role in Israeli politics, his creation of what is known as the “New Right,” his efforts to unify the right-wing front, and his rejection of a Palestinian state. His approach has been to manage the conflict rather than resolve it, believing Israel can coexist with the Palestinian threat for decades. However, the rise of this coalition has lent credibility to Netanyahu’s positions regarding the denial of a two-state solution and Israel’s ability to live with the Palestinian threat for extended periods. This shift came particularly after the removal and marginalization of the left-wing labor movement, which had dominated Israeli political life since its inception until 1977. The left’s popularity has waned sharply, manifested in the decisive plan to expel Palestinians or make them live under Jewish laws, with the military and security forces handling those who resist. This right-wing dominance and the judicial reform plan initiated by the ruling right-wing aimed to reinforce right-wing and religious values and close off Palestinian aspirations.

Additionally, settlement expansion in the West Bank and Jerusalem has worsened since the Oslo Accords, with the number of settlers doubling during the Oslo years. With the rise of religious and nationalist right-wing forces, there are plans to expand settlements in the West Bank, particularly in area (C), which represents 60% of the West Bank’s territory. There are currently 750,000 settlers in the West Bank and Jerusalem, forming a cohesive and ideologically united bloc, officially armed, and receiving substantial resources to support and protect them from the Israeli army or settlement guards.

On the Palestinian side, the main challenges to implementing the two-state solution are the division between Fatah and Hamas, which has persisted since 2007. This division is as much political as it is ideological and societal, hindering the unity of Palestinian territories and the establishment of a unified Palestinian political system that aligns with the basic principles of state formation, which include the monopoly on violence and weaponry for the benefit of society and the state.

Furthermore, the ongoing division among Palestinian factions has undermined the Palestinian national movement’s international credibility, providing Israel with an opportunity to argue that there is no Palestinian partner for peace. This is compounded by the division between political and diplomatic settlement approaches and armed resistance, and the lack of consensus on a Palestinian strategy capable of uniting various national movement factions into a single entity.

It is also worth noting that regional tensions and some parties’ attempts to exploit the Palestinian issue play a significant role in obstructing a two-state solution. These dynamics make it contingent upon engaging in a comprehensive settlement of regional tensions and conflicts, further deepening the Palestinian internal divide.

On the other hand, the lack of international community involvement in reinforcing the foundations of a two-state solution, insufficient pressure on Israel, especially from the United States as its primary supporter, and treating the two-state solution discourse as if it were a mere echo without substantial and convincing steps, has contributed to the failure to implement this solution. The recent revival of the two-state solution proposal may reflect the international community’s recognition of the dangers of neglecting and ignoring this issue for so many years.

Impact of the Gaza War:

It can be said that Operation “Storm of Al-Aqsa” and the Israeli war on Gaza since October 7, 2023, have led to conflicting and even contradictory effects. On one hand, international support for the two-state solution has come to the forefront as the nature and devastating effects of the war have become apparent, with this solution being considered the only viable and acceptable one. The United States, many European Union countries, as well as China, Russia, and other regional and global supporters of this path, have embraced the two-state solution and are looking into forms of recognition for the upcoming Palestinian state and the resumption of negotiations. This reflects the international community’s awareness of the dangers of its silence and inaction on activating this solution. Some have even seen that the continuation of settlement activities and the practices of the Israeli ruling coalition led to Operation “Storm of Al-Aqsa,” despite widespread condemnation of the operation from Western countries.

However, the emergence and renewed support for the two-state solution following the Gaza war have been accompanied by a loss of trust between Israelis and Palestinians. This was evident in the support of Israelis for the war and killings in Gaza, as well as the increasing incitement and hatred against Palestinians both in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. Palestinians, on the other hand, have come to recognize the nature of Israeli power and its capacity to destroy their lives, disregard international norms and humanitarian law, and the massive number of victims, particularly women and children.

As a result, there has been a mutual erosion of humanity between the two sides. Israelis no longer view Palestinians as peace partners or as individuals deserving of equality due to what happened on October 7, 2023. On the Palestinian side, similar developments are observed due to the killings and destruction in Gaza; Palestinians see those who target women and children, deliberately kill entire families, and demolish entire neighborhoods as inhuman. This phenomenon has catastrophic future implications, according to opinion polls conducted by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research in Ramallah.

Despite the current dire situation, it could create an opportunity for a resolution, especially if the parties realize the severity of continuing in this manner or if they reach a state of exhaustion and are unable to achieve their declared goals through force.

Therefore, hope for peace may be strengthened through the two-state solution, but with certain conditions. The first condition is the formulation of international discourse on the solution in a UN document issued by the Security Council, either by amending Resolution 242 to align with the two-state solution, removing the ambiguity surrounding it, and explicitly stating the two-state solution and the establishment of a Palestinian state in the territories occupied in 1967, including East Jerusalem, or issuing a new Security Council resolution that endorses and implements the two-state solution in accordance with UN resolutions and defines an implementation mechanism, either through an international conference under UN auspices or negotiations under international sponsorship. Additionally, there must be an end to the Palestinian-Palestinian division, Hamas and Islamic Jihad’s accession to the Palestine Liberation Organization, and the rebuilding of the Palestinian political system through elections and the acceptance of Hamas and Islamic Jihad of the goal of a Palestinian state in the territories occupied in 1967.

SAKHRI Mohamed
SAKHRI Mohamed

I hold a Bachelor's degree in Political Science and International Relations in addition to a Master's degree in International Security Studies. Alongside this, I have a passion for web development. During my studies, I acquired a strong understanding of fundamental political concepts and theories in international relations, security studies, and strategic studies.

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