African studiesGeopolitics StudiesPolitical studies

The implications of French influence in Africa

France, by its own efforts, became unable to match the growing foreign influence in Africa, realizing that it did not have the means to make a noticeable difference in large areas of a turbulent continent, not only because the latter suffers from instability but also because it is under the influence of other international powers.


France granted independence peacefully to most of its colonies in Africa, so the absence of a war separating the colonial rule from the colonial state led to the survival of the French system of exploitation of the colonies in place; “French Africa” is an extraordinary story in that it is not only an analysis of how a group of spheres of influence no longer part of the territory of the bygone French empire and yet feel fancy French, but also how these territories barely escaped the grasp of direct French rule to find herself, though, is still under the same influence, and in fact ended up associating her identity with the French; The concept of “kinship” with an anthropological load came to frame the special relationships that developed over time between the colonial power and its colonies.

There is a close relationship between France and Africa in a belt that extends from Morocco in the northwest to Madagascar in the southeast; The post-colonial relationship between the former colonial center and its outskirts has come to be described as one of the “post-colonial families of nations” as a euphemism for what these margins were referred to as “backward and uncivilized”. However, when it comes to talking about the current French influence in Africa, the neo-colonial narrative is the most appropriate analytical framework to use; There is a kind of restructuring of the imperial relationship between the French colonial power and its former colonies on the continent, developing networks of interests that are not only beneficial to France but essentially reproduce the profound practices of the colonial era.

Regardless, France’s ties with its African colonies still serve France’s physical capital (economic, political, and security), but those ties no longer feed France’s symbolic power or social capital as a basis for standing in the international community; In light of France’s understanding of the current African policy as an instrument of modern power politics and the search for a place in international politics, maintaining influence in Africa and restoring the image of the superpower associated with it has become a major concern for France.

First: The structures of French influence in Africa

Through a set of links historically referred to as (Françafrique), France is trying to maintain a dominant foothold in Francophone Africa, first: to serve its interests, and secondly: to preserve its stronghold of prestige linked to the legacy of the historical sovereignty it exercised over the continent, which means that these relations maintain Basically colonial. After all, the substitution of great influence for direct rule does not constitute a decisive break with the past . Thus, old colonial habits do not fade when it comes to French interests in Africa, which mostly revolve around three structures of influence:

  1. Economic influence

France relies on the private sector in its economic dynamism in Africa, and thus “French institutions are spread across the continent to evaluate multiple projects and different sectors. We find the investments of Total in the oil and energy sector, Elstrum in transportation, Bouygues in construction and real estate, Orange in communications, BNP Paribas and the company The general public in the banking sector, in addition to Airbus aircraft deals, as well as French arms deals in the African continent, all these French icons benefited from African resources and took advantage of cheap labor, and in many cases, the weakness of the law through political support for African dictatorships in exchange for tax and control privileges (1 ) .

Africa is not only a target for France’s investments, but also an important market for its exports, with French companies looking to continue selling manufactured products with high added value. The natural resources of Africa are also worthy of French attention; As supplies of oil and uranium from the continent are essential to maintain France’s energy independence, for example, “Nigerian uranium provides 20 percent of the fuel for France’s 58 nuclear reactors, which in turn are responsible for generating nearly 75 percent of France’s electricity” (2 ) . Therefore, “France’s interest in a quick solution to the financial crisis is seen not only in terms of attempts to deal with the Islamist insurgency, but also in its desire to protect its uranium mining operations in Niger, which is near Mali” (3) .

As the guarantor of the monetary system in West Africa, France exercises a kind of sovereignty over the currency of the franc in force there, by obliging the countries concerned “to keep 50 percent of their foreign exchange reserves in the French treasury, as well as an additional 20 percent of financial obligations, this to The aspect of France’s membership in the Board of Directors of the Central Bank of West African States” (4) , which enables it to have an effective veto. This mechanism empowers France to extend its control over the finances and economies of 12 countries of its former colonies “together they represent 14 percent of the total population of Africa, cover approximately 965,000 square miles, and represent 12 percent of the continent’s GDP” (5) , especially since France Accused in West Africa of deporting heads of state who tried to withdraw from the “West African Franc” system.

  1. cultural influence

The French neo-colonial program is also “a cultural export based on assimilation, that is, the spread of language and culture as a strategy to educate loyal African political elites, and to hybridize local national identities in order to ensure the continuity of French hegemony” (7) over African countries.

There is a deep genetic relationship between the colonial power and its former colonies, which is evident through its cultural heritage in Francophone Africa. Therefore, France strives to preserve this heritage, as a large part of its aid to finance development in Africa goes to education, scholarships and cultural institutes .

Since more than a tenth of the population of the African continent still speaks French, this relationship is also institutionalized within the Francophone Organization and its conferences in order to unify the former French colonies under its banner, and to sustain the historical alignment of Francophone political elites behind French politics.

And if French cultural imperialism comes to balance the economic supremacy of international powers on the African continent, where “the promotion of the French language is a priority…to encourage conditions conducive to positive economic relations within the Francophone Organization” (8) , it reflects France’s desire to assimilate African peoples in contrast to that Forces that seek only material interests; For “Francophonie, insofar as it implies the inclusion of people from outside France in the culture of France itself, is really a neo-colonial conception” (9) .

  1. military influence

France’s large military presence in Africa is an important part of the post-colonial panorama. France has successfully used its security presence since decolonization to exercise its influence in African countries in which it has interests, and to maintain regional hegemony and its vision of order and stability on the continent. Thus, France has a long history of military involvement in Africa, whether through its military bases on the continent or through special military operations, nine of which it has carried out since the beginning of the third millennium.

Given that Africa remains the region exposed to the most military interventions in the world, France is the Western country most involved in this framework, in order to satisfy its desire to secure its traditional backyard, embodying the myth of African France as a power with a special responsibility to ensure The security of Africa, and the expression of French power that is not expressed in front of Europe and the world except through the French military perspective on stability in Africa, and this means that France’s role in the international system is intertwined with instability in Africa.

On the one hand, France is known as the gendarmerie of Africa as a provider of security on the continent due to “the broad authorization of intervention through defense agreements with nearly half of the continent’s countries” (10) . France is the country that some African countries often request to intervene in order to protect itself from the internal and external jihadist threat (11) .

On the other hand, thanks to its track record of military interventions in Africa, as well as being the most important ally of the United States in its counter-terrorism strategy in sub-Saharan Africa, France has become the “framework state” of the European Union on African security, with Britain’s exit from the European Union and Germany becoming the player Dominating in most other areas of European affairs, France has become the only country in the Union that is willing and able when it comes to military action, especially high-risk operations, which supports its role as an important country in the Union in this field; It lends credibility to it as Europe’s main security provider.

Because France seeks to “confront terrorism in the Sahel countries and fears the movement of jihadists to Europe, as the Center for Jihad Analysis indicates that France is the first hotbed for jihadists in the European Union” (12) , French leaders tended to view the financial crisis as a crisis on Europe’s doorstep rather than a conflict In the Sahel and Sahara region,… . The conflict in the Central African Republic has also been primarily described as part of greater regional instability (13) .

Second: the erosion of French influence in Africa

Although France continues to play a central role in Africa, its power and influence are waning significantly. Its attractiveness in the eyes of Africans has declined due to its failure to bring stability to its areas of the continent. As it appeared that France was preoccupied with its interests, which allowed the expansion of armed groups, the deterioration of the economic situation and the erosion of authoritarian regimes, which prompted African countries to trade in other foreign powers competing with France or to turn towards new partners outside the circle of French monopoly; “Anti-French demonstrations were seen in some capitals (Bangui and Bamako) and slogans calling for France to leave their countries and tear down its flag and raise the flags of other countries such as the United States of America and Russia. As for official grumblings, it was expressed in various forms, most notably the search for security partners other than France (Russia). , or economic partners such as China and Turkey …; This is because France’s alternative security and military partnerships met with a quick and effective response from Russia, as it penetrated into the Central African Republic and achieved success in supporting the elected government and re-electing it again, and significantly reducing French influence” (14) . Thus, Russia’s presence in the Central African Republic, Which for decades was a strategic ally of France, is an example among others that France is losing influence in Africa, followed by the tendency of the authorities in the Republic of Mali to sign a security agreement with Russia (15) .For the latter, this represented an outlet to besiege the French presence in the Sahel region as a whole; Because it “surrounds Chad’s French influence from various sides, through its military advisors and Wagner mercenaries, deployed in the Central African Republic from the south, the Libyan province of Fezzan from the north, the Sudanese region of Darfur from the east, and Mali from the west, where it is separated from the Chadian border only Niger.” ( 16) .

As for the USA, it does not have a colonial legacy in Africa, but it does have a history of supporting the Cold War and the global war on human rights violations in the era of terrorism that Washington may have forgotten but the locals in various countries have not (17) . Therefore, it may not be welcomed by the peoples of the African continent, and yet it refuses but to impose its presence in the African Sahel region in order to limit the Russian expansion that France retreated before and failed to stop.

And if the United States of America is there to extricate France from its disappointment with Russia, it will also, in order to preserve its national interests, appear as a competitor to France in other regions that are considered traditional strongholds of its influence in the African continent. The United States was able to effectively consolidate its position in North and West Africa, and was able to be the first military and security ally of the Arab Maghreb countries, thus displacing France from the first rank in a region that it considered as the main incubator of its political, military and cultural influence (18) .

The Chinese economic competition takes away from the French influence in Africa what the military competition has kept from the two rivals, Russia and the United States. Unlike France, which weaves its influence in Africa with the threads of power and hegemony, China is developing a peaceful influence on the continent based on friendly relations, and its economic rise confirms that it is able to help southern African countries achieve development goals without the impositions of Western conditionalities. Thus, it “pursues effective diplomacy that relies on getting closer to African countries, listening to their needs and helping them advance human development, without any superiority in dealing” (19) . In this context, China is now the largest bilateral funder of infrastructure in Africa, surpassing Thus, the African Development Bank (ABD), the European Commission, the European Investment Bank, the International Finance Corporation, the World Bank and the Group of Eight combined (20) .China also emerges as the largest donor of foreign aid to Africa in areas such as budget support and project-based lending as evidenced by the establishment of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (21) . Thus, mainly thanks to its developmental strength, China is achieving a significant presence on the African continent.

Turkey continues to work with all its utmost strength to establish a foothold in Africa, especially since Africans have come to see it as a trustworthy emerging partner in the face of the deterioration of the credibility of the French tutelage. and “Turkey uses anti-French and anti-colonial rhetoric to develop former French colonies across the continent” (22) ; It deliberately draws on colonial history to portray Europe as a neo-colonial entity concerned only with resource extraction or commercial interests. In contrast, Turkey is portrayed as an emerging power with a benevolent Ottoman heritage, as a culturally compatible friend seeking to counter European hegemony (23). Turkey distinguishes itself from Europe, including France, by having a moral stance based on its history; Where the common cultural ties with African Muslim countries are seen as a justification for their moral mission in the former Ottoman lands of the continent and that their virtuous power in contrast to the West also justifies their influence outside this traditional sphere within the framework of a “benevolent hegemony” based on a kind of humanitarian diplomacy that bestows aid in advance to promote business . Indeed, “Turkey’s active participation in humanitarian and development assistance to Africa has greatly contributed to the development of its security relations” (24) . In this context, Turkey is one of the most active actors in humanitarian relief programs in Africa, being the largest provider of humanitarian assistance for 2017 (25) .

Meanwhile, French influence in Africa bleeds not only from the competition of France by foreign powers but also from the reluctance of some local actors; Where the initiatives of the African Union through its Security Council and its joint force threaten French interventionism; As the continental organization came to be in charge of establishing peace processes, France had been relishing intrusion into the private affairs of Africans. Moreover, “France sees Nigeria as an African power that threatens the interests of Paris and its survival as the main center of power in sub-Saharan Africa” (26) .

Finally, it should be noted that the challenge facing France from the international powers active in Africa does not exclude its cultural influence on the continent. It became difficult for it to maintain the old status, in view of the start of many Francophone countries, such as Gabon and Rwanda, to move away from the French language towards the English language.

Third: Options for Restoring French Influence in Africa

Although French diplomatic dominance in Africa for more than a century is declining; France is no longer the main player on the African stage, but Africa for it is not a continent like any other continent, and therefore it does not want to recognize its international competition in it, and it will not hesitate to seek to restore its influence in Africa with the usual momentum, in one of two arrangements, namely: Continuing the unilateral approach, but with the repositioning in Africa, or bringing the European Union with it to the battlefield of the African continent, while playing a leading role in that.

  1. Repositioning in Africa

By re-establishing France’s relations with Africa, recognizing France’s “African roots” and removing the ambiguity that prevails between discourse and practice; Whereas, in contrast to the glorification of republican values, France’s assimilationist policy in African affairs feeds a justification of the idea of ​​empire, which exposes the stark contradictions of the republic in the former colonies. On the one hand, we saw how the policy makers in Paris turned against the announcement of the temporary nature of the mission to invade the territory of Mali, so the French forces stayed there for nearly ten years, and they were not satisfied with that; It sought to expand its military operations throughout the Sahel region, to reach even further into southern Libya. On the other hand, “How can a country like France that promotes democracy in Mali strongly support the transfer of power in Chad to the son of the former president, Idriss Deby, who died in mysterious circumstances, without observing the requirements of the constitutional transfer of power in this country?” (27) .

Therefore, France, which is haunted by the horrific label of its colonial past, its continuous intervention in Africa also makes it oriented towards the future, and contributes to prolonging the tradition of the French view of Africa as a mere arena for displaying power, and therefore it is useless to change its political discourse towards Africa while its primary interests remain in the continent. as it is. In fact, it requires it to reconsider the political and military impact of its interventions, by refraining from supporting African dictators, and planning to dismantle its military bases on African lands by redeploying its elements and keeping them at a minimum for military training missions, and to review the doctrine of guardianship over Africa by adopting a real partnership with it that will be more balanced. between two sides.

  1. The Europeanization of French foreign policy towards Africa

France, by its own patriotic efforts, has become unable to match the growing foreign influence in Africa, realizing that it does not have the means to make a noticeable difference in huge areas of a turbulent continent, not only because the latter suffers from great economic, political and security instability, but also because it is under influence of other international powers.

Since France cannot dispense with the importance of Africa, which is a priority on the radar of its diplomacy, and as the European Union is a multiplier of the power of its member states, especially for a leading country such as France, it can bet on the “Europeanisation” of its foreign policy towards Africa; This will provide it with a suitable diplomatic shield against competing powers.

This means that France’s African policy will become less nationalist and more European, and it will be forced to abandon selfish national goals, in return for bringing its interests closer to the common European Union policies. It is true that “France differs from most other EU countries in that it can still exercise independent influence outside of the EU” (28) , but adapting the approach of its institutions will provide it with greater legitimacy for the policies that it is supposed to be conducting on behalf of these institutions.

On the potential impact of participation in the EU’s foreign policy coordination practices on French policies in Africa, the subordination of those policies to the structures of the European Union may make them exercise some restriction according to the system theory but they are not allowed to set those policies. Quite the contrary, France is turning towards “Europeanization”. It guarantees its independence by enabling it “to pursue policies that it would not have been able to engage in without the institutional protection provided by the structures of the European Union” (29) .

In addition, “Europeanization” has a financial enabling effect that will allow France to deduct the costs of foreign military operations that it may engage in in Africa from the EU budget accounts; The presence of other member states alongside France not only provides legitimate work, but also forces them to contribute to the operational costs of this common European approach to Africa’s security, especially since France’s reduction of its aid to African countries or its redistribution due to the recent economic crisis has in turn contributed to the deduction of its influence on the continent. . Therefore, in the face of the rising cost of military action, “the French political leadership is increasingly keen to turn to Europe, at least with regard to long-term engagement, especially when military intervention moves to the stage of stability” (30) .

However, making France its African policy belongs to the European circle and is committed to pluralism depends on its ability to revise the Gaullist creed in its foreign policy as a whole linked to the slogan “France first”, because otherwise, the continuation of a unilateral French foreign policy and resistance to conformity with European institutions, makes “any European policy It will be promoted mainly by France, an attempt to present the wolf of French interests in European sheep’s clothing” (31) .

About the author

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Nabil Zakawi

Assistant Professor of Political Science and International Relations, University of Sidi Mohamed Ben Abdallah, Fez, Morocco.REFERENCE

(1)Younes Belfalah, The New French Approach to Africa, Al Jazeera Center for Studies, February 14, 2018, (access date: July 21, 2022), https://bit.ly/3PIfOVr

(2)- Mark Langan, Neo-Colonialism and the Poverty of Development in Africa, (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), p. 157.

(3)-Ibid, p. 156 .

(4)- Isabelle King, True Sovereignty? The CFA Franc and French Influence in West and Central Africa, Harvard International Review, 18-03-2022, viewed on: 20-07-2022, https://bit.ly/3B3w27t

(5)-Ibid.

(6)Hakim Aladi Najm al-Din, “Eco” currency, an ambitious West African project: Will France kidnap it for its own good?, Al Jazeera Center for Studies, February 25, 2022, (entry date: July 20, 2022),     https://bit.ly/3odzWmz

(7)-Jan Záhořík and Linda Piknerová (eds), Colonialism on the Margins of Africa, First published, (New York: Routledge 2018), p. 2.

(8)-IJ Benneyworth, The Ongoing Relationship Between France and its Former African Colonies, E-International Relations, 11-06-2011, viewed on: 30-07-2022, https://bit.ly/3oo5m9K

(9)- Guy Martin, Continuity and Change in Franco-African Relations, The Journal of Modern African Studies, Volume 33 / Issue 01 / March 1995, p. 5.

(10)- Bruno Charbonneau, Dreams of Empire: France, Europe, and the New Interventionism in Africa. Modern & Contemporary France, 16(3(, 2008, p. 282.

(11)-Muhammad Ali Adrawi, France’s Withdrawal from the Global Strategic Scene: Paradoxes of a Middle Power with Global Delinquency, Al Jazeera Center for Studies, October 12, 2021, (date of entry: August 5, 2022), https://bit.ly/3PMshY9

(12)Younis Belfalah, previous reference.

(13)-Benedikt Erforth, Contemporary French Security Policy in Africa on Ideas and Wars, (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020), p. 173.

(14)Mohamed Zakaria Fadl, The African Sahel and the Conflict of International Powers: Motives and Consequences, African Center for Research and Policy Studies, November 22, 2021, (access date: August 10, 2022), https://bit.ly/3xTNTev

(15)-Komlan Avoulete, why France’s arrogance is pushing Africa further away, Foreign Policy Research Institute, 27-10-2021, viewed on: 15-08-2022, https://bit.ly/3BwQI6p

(16)Doaa Aweed, The Decline of French Influence in Africa: Features and Reasons, Sasa Post, June 6, 2022, (accessed August 20, 2022), https://bit.ly/3BvwJVG

(17)- Michael Rubin, Michael Rubin, It’s Not Just Mali: French Influence in Africa Is Collapsing, The American Enterprise Institute, 21-02-2022, viewed on: 25-08-2022, https://bit.ly/3LyUHE

(18)Mohamed Salem, French Influence in Africa: The Legacy of Colonialism in the Face of International Competition, African Center for Research and Policy Studies, May 10, 2021, (date of entry: August 30, 2022), https://bit.ly/3S65Ezx

(19)Younis Belfalah, previous reference.

(20)- Kudakwashe Chirambwi, the belt and road initiative in Africa-But what kind of developmental power does China have? in: Sabella O. Abidde and Tokunbo A. Ayoola (eds), China in Africa-Between Imperialism and Partnership in Humanitarian Development, (Lanham: Lexington Books, 2021), p. 92.

(21)-Ibid, p. 95 .

(22)-Michael Rubin, It’s Not Just Mali: French Influence in Africa Is Collapsing, The American Enterprise Institute, 21-02-2022, viewed on: 05-09-2022, https://bit.ly/3LyUHEi

(23)- Mark Langan, Virtuous power Turkey in sub-Saharan Africa: the ‘Neo-Ottoman’ challenge to the European Union, (2016). Virtuous power Turkey in sub-Saharan Africa: the “Neo-Ottoman” challenge to the European Union, Third World Quarterly, 38(6), p. 1410/

(24)-Abdurrahim Sıradağ, Turkey-Africa alliance: Evolving patterns in security relations, African Security Review, 27(3-4), p. 319.

(25)-Ibid, p. 314 .

(26)Hakim Aladi Najmuddin, the same previous reference.

(27)Sidi Ould Abdel Malek, France’s Gradual Military Withdrawal from Mali: Background and Implications, Al Jazeera Center for Studies, June 16, 2021, (access date: September 10, 2022), https://bit.ly/3C4KH29

(28)-Reuben Y. Wong, The Europeanization of French Foreign Policy France and the EU in East Asia, first published, (New York: PALGRAVE MACMILLAN, 2006), p. 202.

(29)-Ibid, p. 195 .

(30)-Pernille Rieker, French Foreign Policy in a Changing World Practicing Grandeur, (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017), p. 54.

(31)-Reuben Y. Wong, p. 193.

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SAKHRI Mohamed

I hold a bachelor's degree in political science and international relations as well as a Master's degree in international security studies, alongside a passion for web development. During my studies, I gained a strong understanding of key political concepts, theories in international relations, security and strategic studies, as well as the tools and research methods used in these fields.

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