The term “Eurasia” is given to the land mass that makes up the continents of Europe and Asia, extending over an area of 54,000,000 km2, the latter was formed about 350 million years ago, and geographers considered it one continent, like the Americas and Africa. Since the continents of Europe and Asia are not naturally separated by an ocean or sea. We find that the Greeks divided the world into three regions: Asia, Europe and Africa, there are those who divide “Eurasia” itself into Western, including Europe and the Middle East, some add to them North Africa because the region is separated from the rest of Africa by the Sahara, and Eastern includes the rest of Asia except for the East middle ones. Eurasia connects and thus combines eastern and western Europe, thus forming the heart of the world and the center of its conflicts since the dawn of history[1].
The borders of Eurasia extend in the west from the borders of Western Europe on the Atlantic Ocean, and extends to the banks of China and Russia on the Pacific Ocean in the east. The importance of this region has been known since the dawn of the twentieth century, specifically with the beginning of the collapse of the Ottoman Caliphate in the 1920s. And this importance was not only for this distinguished geographical location, but moreover, because this region is the global energy store, starting with the oil of the Middle East in Iran, Iraq and the Gulf states. The store also extends to the Caspian Sea region. The problem related to this research is: What is the reality of European expansion towards the East, and what is the content of the Eurasian trends pursued to compete for the region to achieve strategic influence? Will the British withdrawal affect the European Union’s arrangements?
First: Eurasia in Western strategic thought
Western strategic thought towards “Eurasia” goes back to “Nicholas Spekman”, who divided the geography of Eurasia into: “Heart Land”, which is Russia, which has a land extension of more than 17 million km2, and a large crescent of coastal countries he called “The Land of the Edge” ( Rim Land), including Europe and the Arabian Peninsula, Iraq, Central Asia, Iran, Afghanistan, India, Southeast Asia, China and Korea. All countries are characterized by the importance of their locations and their diverse and important natural and economic resources. Speakman saw that the Second World War took place to control this coastal area, and therefore it is the “crush zone”, meaning the region is witnessing a struggle for control of its resources and waterways[2]. Starting from the first decade of the twenty-first century, a new type of international alliance has emerged, which has two characteristics:
European penetration into Eurasia started with the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire and continued with World War II and the emergence of bipolarity. With the beginning of the ideological struggle, the region was divided between two systems (the liberal capitalist and the socialist), to divide the region. After the Cold War was resolved with the West’s superiority over the East, the region changed and became a center of international conflict with distinction, especially between the triumvirate consisting of the United States of America, the European Union, which does not stop expanding to the east, and Russia, which is ambitious for a new glory [4]. Eurasia is the largest continent in the world. It is the center of geopolitics. It includes 75% of the world’s population, and most of the world’s internal and apparent wealth. It also contains 60% of global national production, and 3/4 of the world’s energy sources, where the most dynamic countries are located. and active [5].
The post-Cold War world, in light of the competition for the region, witnessed the birth of the “Eurasian Union” based on four principles: economic benefit, multilateral integration; moving from the smallest to the largest, in the sense of uniting the organizations prior to the establishment of the union; Gradual regulation, that is, the unification of countries according to the readiness of each of them. According to Alexander Dugin, Russia is a great Eurasian country, and with the advent of Putin, all Eurasian proposals were given a chance, leading to the announcement of the establishment of the economic partnership called for by Nazarbayev despite the stumbling as a result of the “Orange Revolution” in Ukraine.
Second: The reality of Eastern Europe after the Cold War
MacNaider and Mahan defined their geopolitical theory of the Balkans as the center of conflict between East and West, as it links Asia and Europe (from Scandinavia, the Pyrenees, Abyan, the Balkans to the Middle East, India and Burma, Indonesia and China to Japan). The region is historically seen as the center of all the events of the past three centuries, since the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. It is said that the main first line of conflict between East and West runs from the steppes of Russia to Poland and Austria across the Atlantic. The second line passes from Western Europe towards the southeast through the Balkans, from Solon of Thessaloniki to Istanbul and continues on its way to the Middle East to the Indian Ocean. Russia was in the past in control of the continent after the division of Poland. Then, during the Soviet era, it controlled all of Eastern Europe and a part of Germany, and the domination gradually expanded with time. Russia was – and remained – sensitive to the sea fronts of the Mediterranean, and it showed its sensitivity repeatedly in the Crimean Wars (1852/1856) and the Eastern Question (1875/1878), as it did not have an outlet on the Mediterranean to confront the dominant British power, so it tried to reach the “warm waters” since the era of Peter the Great. The Russian General Novitsky wrote, at the beginning of the twentieth century, that Russia has two directions in foreign policy: Either it leaves its international position, if it sees that it does not need a naval fleet, or it maintains its international position as a major power in it, and accordingly it must possess A powerful navy [7].
To understand the relations of the European Union with its eastern neighbourhood, we proceed from studying the similarities and differences between the two blocs, as this is embodied at least in three levels [8]:
The first level: combines two theoretical and field dimensions, which generates two problems: the sensitivity of the distinction between the two blocs (Eastern and Western), because the distinction between Europe and East has led to the establishment of a false understanding that Eastern European countries do not belong to European countries. We also find it difficult to combine the two blocs and deal with them with the same standards. Hence, the path of Eastern European countries’ pursuit of belonging to the European Union becomes clear, which supports the hypothesis of difference.
The second level: It relates to the historical dimension between Europe and Eastern Europe, and what constitutes the difference due to historical, political and ethnic differences. In addition to the geographical context of this East as an independent geographical unit in its entirety, it has a minimum number of commonalities that allow it to be classified within a unified map that differs qualitatively from the classification that applies to the countries of the European Union [9].
The third level: It includes Eastern European relations with the countries of the Union, ethnic relations in a number of Balkan countries, and the peculiarities of the Eastern countries (ethnics, religions and languages) that govern the sum of societies organized in a kind of political unity, (a confederation, federation or a simple non-state state). composite), compared to the European Union, which represents a unit (political, economic…). In terms of economic and technical progress, there are deep differences in effectiveness between these two blocs, which creates an equation that combines the duality (harmony and difference), and creates problems in dealing between the two blocs.
One of the models of regional revolutionary spread is what happened in Eastern Europe. It is related to the revolution, which is usually governed by the internal movement, and its contact with the outside or its connection and influence with it is limited, except in cases of the spread of a revolutionary model in the societies of a particular region, united by one or common cultural and political situations, so the revolution will be in Community “A” is a model to be followed and is repeated in communities “B” and “C” in one region. The transformational revolution that takes place in a particular society within a homogeneous region, represents a model to be emulated in a particular neighboring country, which is what happened in the nineties of the twentieth century in Eastern Europe, when the communist or socialist system collapsed through a movement of temporally successive revolutions in the Eastern European countries that were forming Warsaw Pact led by the former Soviet Union. By the mid-nineties of the twentieth century, all the countries of Eastern Europe had undergone the revolutionary experience that brought down communist dictatorial regimes, to be replaced by liberal democratic regimes [10].
Everything began in Eastern Europe since the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, and the disintegration of the Eastern European front, which had embodied a threat to Western Europe since the end of the war, and events accelerated since 1991 in favor of Western Europe, with the disintegration of the Soviet Union; Which constituted the equivalent of half a century of the Cold War, the era of European peace and glory, which did not last long with the outbreak of the Balkan and Bosnian War, without the support of the international and European community, which became unable to intervene and provide political or humanitarian solutions. After the Bosnians fought their destiny alone for two years, NATO intervened, which decided to target the Serbian sites, and the tragedy of “Srebri Niča” remains behind the European inferiority complex.
After about a decade of transformation, have the dreams of peace, prosperity and freedom come true in Eastern Europe, as imagined by the supporters of fleeing socialism [11]? The process of transformation in Eastern Europe was affected by internal and external factors, including popular pressures and the emergence of social movements and political forces opposing them, and the holding of elections that led to placing communist parties in a position of opposition rather than leadership. [12] Perhaps one of the determinants of democratic development in Eastern Europe is related to the nature of culture. The prevailing political conditions in their societies, the type of leaders in political power, and the form of economic performance, as well as what is related to the “regional environment incubating the transformation process” provided by Western European countries, which must have its positive effects in the form of encouraging and stimulating economic and social growth. 13].
Ali El-Sawy sees in the parliamentary reform process in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe the political leap that has qualitatively reflected on Eastern Europe. From the perspective of the historical school, the new parliamentary transformations that resulted from the electoral process contributed to the emergence of new partisan currents, changes in constitutional systems and laws, and the emergence of more authoritative parliaments [14]. Ibtisam Kamel and Walaa Hefni Sayyid point to the economic and social dimension of these transformations in Eastern Europe, which were caused by declining productive efficiency, lack of international competitiveness, and declining standards of living. As a result, by the nineties, the trend towards economic liberalization, and among its most important steps, is the liberalization of prices, the liberalization of foreign trade, the reform of the financial sector, in the hope of achieving integration with the European Union, and improving economic conditions, after achieving a measure of stability in most of these countries since 1992. 15th]. Mustafa Ahmed Mustafa focuses on the impact of foreign direct investment on the economic transformation in Eastern Europe after the Cold War, as foreign direct investment became prominent through the need for countries as an external source of financing and addressing the internal deficit. Eastern Europe has witnessed a great polarization of foreign investment, which coincided with the increasing European-American competition over the region under the expansionist policy of both the European Union and NATO to the east, which explains this polarization, which reflects the Western temptations of these countries in varying proportions [16] according to arrangements and priorities. Foreign direct investment has played a decisive role in accelerating the accession process to the European Union in successive waves, and has served these countries internally through institutional, legislative and legal reforms [17].
Third: the expansion of the European Union to the east
We start from defining the map of European countries and take accession in the European Union as a criterion for classification, and thus we find: the group of member states, the group of candidate countries for accession, and the excluded countries, which constitute three European blocs:
The bloc of member states: representing twenty-eight member states of the European Union: (Germany, Italy, Belgium, France, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Denmark, Britain, Ireland, Greece, Spain, Portugal, Sweden, Austria, Finland, Estonia, Poland, the Czech Republic , Slovakia, Slovenia, Cyprus, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Hungary, Bulgaria, Romania, Croatia).
– The bloc of candidate countries for membership: represents the countries that seek to join the European Union through their acceptance to fulfill the required conditions and meet the requirements of accession. We mean those that are on the way to completing the accession procedures, represented by the Republic of Macedonia and Turkey.
The bloc of countries that do not aspire to membership: the countries that have not declared any desire to join, either openly or implicitly, which suggests that they are not interested (at least so far) in entering the European Union, and their number is generally nineteen, each of which is Russia, Switzerland, Albania, Andorra, Belarus, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Iceland, Norway, Liechtenstein, Moldova, Monaco, Montenegro, San Marino, Serbia, Ukraine, Vatican, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia.
In its expansion, the European Union has gone through a long phased process through the accession procedure, since the first founding nucleus of the Union was formed. The expansion path also defined practically three stations that were able to build a European Union that reached the status of a regional power, as follows:
– The first expansionist wave: extending from the seventies to the mid-nineties, and was dedicated to the countries of Western Europe. It begins with the entry of the United Kingdom and Denmark into the union (1973), then Greece (1981), Spain and Portugal (1986), Ireland (1993), Sweden, Finland and Austria (1995).
The second expansionist wave: directed towards the countries of Eastern Europe after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the completion of the Western European Union. As the union expanded in 2004 to include ten eastern countries (Estonia, Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Slovenia, Latvia, Lithuania, Hungary). In the same year Cyprus and Malta joined.
The third expansionist wave: a complementary wave launched in 2007 towards the east of the union, to include Romania, Bulgaria and Croatia, making the European Union 28 countries.
In general, the process of EU enlargement has passed through five phases or milestones [18]:
- The fifties’ station, the European Union began in 1951 with six founding countries (France, Germany, Belgium, Luxembourg, the Netherlands and Italy). Coal and steel production being the cause of wars; So it was agreed to form the European Coal and Steel Community (1951). On June 1 and 2, 1955, the Benelux Union (Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg) presented the idea of discussing the possibility of achieving more European cooperation, and it was decided that priority should be given to the economic and political fields, due to the necessity of linking the economies of the member states to establish economic institutions and create a single market that would achieve harmony political and social. Economic integration provided a logical reason for completing European integration, and the experiment succeeded in creating a process of unitary accumulation through political, social and cultural interactions.
- The 1960s was marked by the signing of the establishment of the European Economic Community in 1965, which is a gathering of the scattered elements of previous agreements.
- The 1970s witnessed the expansion of the European Economic Community. In early 1973, Denmark joined Ireland in 1975. Britain held a referendum on its membership and the people voted in favor of Britain remaining in the group. In 1979, the first direct elections for the European Parliament were voted.
- The eighties station, Greece joined in 1981, and the Europeans at the Milan summit in 1985 celebrated Europe Day on May 9, as a sign of the unity of Europe, then Spain and Portugal joined in 1986.
- The 1990s was an important turning point in the united European process. At the 1991 Maastricht meeting, European roles and responsibilities were discussed, a meeting that resulted in the European Union Agreement and brought together the various European bodies that called themselves the European Union, which in turn set a schedule for economic and executive unity (Euro) [20]. The union expanded to Sweden, Finland and Austria (1995).
- In the new millennium, the European Union expanded in 2004 towards Eastern Europe and joined: Estonia, Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Slovenia, Latvia, Lithuania and Hungary, as well as Cyprus and Malta in the same year, then in 2007 each of Romania and Bulgaria, and then Croatia in April 2013, bringing the number of members to 28 nation.
Bishara Khader, in a critical reading, points out that a closer examination of the European Union’s expansion map distinguishes between several expansionary and possible circles in the future, linked to its neighborhood policy, as follows [21]:
The first circle: includes the countries of the European Union that adopt the euro currency, such as (France, Germany, Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, Italy, Spain, Portugal, Austria, Finland, Greece).
The second circle: includes the countries that decided to maintain their national currency (such as the United Kingdom, Denmark, Ireland, Sweden, and Croatia) [22].
The third circle: the countries included in the 2004 expansion (Cyprus, Malta, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Slovenia, Hungary, Poland, Latvia, Estonia, Lithuania).
Fourth Circle: includes the two countries that joined the 2006 expansion (Romania and Bulgaria).
The Fifth Circle: includes the countries of the European Economic Space (Iceland, Norway, and Liechtenstein).
The Sixth District: includes Switzerland, which participates in the European Free Trade Area.
The Seventh Circle: It includes the candidate countries to join, such as Turkey.
The Eighth Circle: It includes countries that could join in the future (Macedonia, Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia, Albania, and possibly Kosovo).
The Ninth Circle: includes the European Union’s eastern neighbors (Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova).
The Tenth District: includes the European Union’s neighbors in the Caucasus (Armenia, Georgia, and Azerbaijan).
Eleventh District: It includes the European Union’s neighbors in the Mediterranean.
The Twelfth District: which may include Russia in the framework of the “strategic partnership”.
The Institute for Security Studies in Brussels considered the democratic revolutions and historical transformations towards democracy that took place during the end of the eighties and the beginning of the nineties and the disintegration of the Warsaw Pact, which hastened the end of the Cold War, and greatly reduced the risk of comprehensive confrontation to lead to the emergence of new inputs in the European integration path, as well as the common historical and cultural heritage of Europe and the situation The new political situation on the continent, and this should be reflected in the new European security framework [23]. The expansion of the European Union since the 1990s, after 1990 towards the east, also contributed to finding a peaceful solution to many of the problems that resulted from the international situation formed by the disintegration of the Soviet Union. Because the demise of the latter led to a great void in the forms of cooperation with Eastern Europe and the South, which made these regions in a state of instability, due to the prevailing political and economic conditions. From Ukraine to Belarus and even the Caucasus and Central Asia, we do not find a stable space for building integration and security, and this is the result of the imbalance in the European East region [24]. We also find the European Union’s expansion policy linked to a set of gradually increasing conditions with the expansion of the Union itself, the number of its members and the complexities of its conditions. These conditions are [25]:
– Initial and basic conditions: related to the foundations and principles adopted by the Union in its first stage, meaning respecting the terms of accession and membership adopted in the Union’s founding agreement (Maastricht).
Political conditions: They are called the “Copenhagen conditions” related to the need to address the paradoxes at the economic and political levels between the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and the countries of the European Union. In 1993, the Federation Council set specific criteria for membership that the candidate country must abide by and guarantee democracy, the rule of law and respect for human rights and minorities.
Legislative conditions: linked to the amendment of legislation and laws.
Economic conditions: the availability of the appropriate economic conditions for joining and integrating into the bloc, i.e. the existence of a solid and effective economic system based on the foundations of a free market economy and able to integrate and deal with competition within or outside the bloc of countries.
In general, the European Union, in all its policies, addresses the logic that advancing the status of the European Union depends on accepting its standards, in return for achieving the idea of collective gain. Supported EU policy to transfer standards. This type of approach, by which European standards are welcomed with the commitment of the European Union to promote and disseminate them, is related to the consistency and coherence of the options preferred by the European Union partners in light of the challenges facing them. Because the reality of the European Union’s policy of transferring standards seeks to insert all the possibilities of harmonizing social systems, and to apply everything that would take part of the social structure during the exchange process, for example, social protection, the system of equal property, personal rights, the educational system, environmental protection, and others. of the issues [26].
We can talk about two motives that govern the aspirations of the Eastern European countries, which have long remained outside the European Union, one of which is national and the other economic. These two motives must be considered of equal importance so as to allow the achievement of the national goals of these countries and get them out of their economic crisis, as follows [27] :
The Eastern European bloc seeks to give a strong impetus to its national identity and achieve related and branched programs, meaning that the main objectives of these countries and their central ambition to enter the European club is based on the aspirations and expectations of the peoples of those countries, especially their desire to affirm their national identity, national language, national culture and national programme, which is Which contradicts, in whole or in detail, the foundations of the European Union and the values on which it was built. The European Union and the countries wishing to join it must work to mitigate this national feeling and try to circumvent it cautiously in order for these countries to reach the level of regularity in the European Union, especially since the Union confirms that it will not include countries whose peoples have a strong nationalist character.
The deteriorating economic situation faced by eastern countries since the communist era, which made the expectations of their people high, and increased their desire to join the European Union to overcome their economic crisis, and they saw in their membership a safe haven that would achieve rapid economic prosperity for them. The economic motives of Eastern peoples and countries have become more important and priority than their political motives that motivate their desire to belong to the European Organization.
In general, regardless of the differences between the countries of the eastern periphery and the countries of the European Union, their desire is strong to confirm their national and cultural identity and improve their economic conditions, which is the main reason why they unite their desire to join the European Union as a central goal that they seek to achieve.
Fourth: The Eastern Policies of the European Union
After the collapse of the Iron Curtain, which was formed by the Berlin Wall in 1989, Western Europe was exposed to great and new challenges, due to the infiltration of some eastern threats towards Western Europe, most notably the phenomenon of illegal immigration. The eastern borders turned into a source of anxiety and tension that must be contained by all means [28], which justifies the launch of the neighborhood policy, which came to achieve stability in the European environment, followed by offers of accession to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, so that European thought towards the East turned from concepts “Neighborhood” to “Friends Circle” then “New Members”. The eastward expansion of the European Union after 1990 contributed to finding peaceful solutions to some of the problems arising from the disintegration of the Soviet Union.
1 – Eastern Neighborhood Policy
The European Neighborhood Policy appeared in early 2003, and was reinforced in 2006, in response to the requirements of the European Union and the countries concerned with it. The Neighborhood Policy was developed to avoid the emergence of a new dividing line between the enlarged EU and its neighbours,[29] and instead work to promote stability, security and well-being for all parties. The European Neighborhood Policy offers privileged relations with the Union’s neighbors based on a commitment to shared values in the areas of rule of law, good governance, human rights, promotion of good neighbourliness, principles of market economy and sustainable development. The neighborhood policy also works to establish a “circle of friends,” especially after the enlargement of the European Union in 2004, to enhance stability and prosperity, to improve economic relations, and to achieve closer cooperation with its neighbors and surroundings [30].
For the European Union, “neighbors” are essential partners in facing challenges that can pose sources of instability and threat on the outskirts of the European Union, and this is what prompted the latter to define a coherent policy towards its neighbors based on avoiding the establishment of new separation borders in Europe, and encouraging stability and ownership within and outside the borders of the new union. On March 11, 2003, the European Commission identified the group of countries forming this new border: Russia, Ukraine, Moldova, Belarus, and the Western Balkan countries (their European orientation was reaffirmed) [31].
The stated objective of the ENP remains “to create a stable and prosperous space,” by addressing the roots of political and economic instability, through [32]:
Minimizing disparities in development;
Creating a space of mutual values based on economic integration, intensified political and cultural relations, as a result of increased cross-border cooperation, and a common solution to avoid getting involved in conflicts;
At the level of political and economic reform, linking the advantages of preferential relations with the progress of partner countries;
2 – Eastern Partnership Programs
The Eastern Partnership is an advanced step in upgrading the EU’s relations with its neighbors in the East and South Caucasus. It contains a new generation of Association Agreements and a far-reaching integration of the eastern neighbors into the EU economy, for easier movement of its citizens within the Union provided that security requirements are met, to strengthen security and energy supply agreements to serve the interests of all parties, and to increase financial aid. The “Eastern Partnership” program of the European Union [33] was launched on May 7, 2009 in the Czech capital (Prague), which was directed at six former Soviet republics, namely Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia.
The European Union has allocated 600 million euros to partner countries up to 2013. The list of expenditures includes strengthening the institutions of the Authority and helping to develop the business sector. The European Union also needs countries such as Ukraine, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus and Moldova from economic, political, security and energy perspectives. As for the countries, they, in turn, need the European Union as a model and a future for them. Many European countries have delayed the launch of the initiative. The Czech Prime Minister, who headed the European Union in the first half of 2009, points out that the Eastern Partnership Program is beneficial in various fields, for the European Union or the former Soviet Union republics. It is clear that the “Eastern Partnership” project does not like Russia, which sees it as an attempt to expand The European Union influence and harm the interests of Russia. However, the European Union asserts that its interest lies in its desire to strengthen internal stability in the countries located to its east [34].
In its relationship with the eastern neighborhood, the European Union relies on a number of mechanisms created to regulate the existing and expected relationship in the future, and takes into account regional priorities and the border dimension, perhaps the most prominent of which are:
- The (INTERREG) initiative: a financial instrument that came within the framework of the creation of the European Union’s structural funds, which support cross-border cooperation between the European Union and neighboring countries;
- PHARE Tool: a mechanism that works towards qualifying candidate countries to join, to help these countries prepare to be able to reach the level of membership in the European Union,
- CARDS Mechanism: This is a kind of spectrum of activities in the Western Balkans;
- Technical Assistance Mechanism of the Commonwealth of Independent States (TACIS): It works to strengthen cross-border cooperation in the western border regions of Russia, Ukraine, Moldova and Belarus. Provided technical assistance to the CIS countries (1994/2006). Among the countries benefiting from the program are Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine and Russia. The latter has received nearly half of the funds since January 2007. The CIS Technical Assistance Mechanism has been replaced by the European Neighborhood and Partnership Instrument, which focuses on strategic priorities and contributes with partner countries to the financing of projects[35];
- European Neighborhood Partnership Mechanism: It opened its activities on 1 January 2007 and is the result of reforms made by the Commission regarding technical assistance mechanisms for the benefit of the Commonwealth of Independent States (TACIS), and various other financial instruments as it was consolidated in the European Neighborhood and Partnership Instrument (IEVP) . It was designed to support sustainable development, support the implementation of the agreed priorities in the European Neighborhood Policy action plans, as well as support the strategic partnership with Russia, which was assisted by the “TASIS” mechanism. The ENPI budget is estimated at €12 billion and supports reforms in neighboring partner countries during the 2007/13 period [36].
Supporting the multilateral dimension of the Eastern Partnership;
The pilot project in the field of integrative border management, which includes providing supplies and infrastructure for border posts, especially those located between Armenia and Georgia (Bagratashen-Sadakhlo), in order to support their protection and security capabilities for the movement of people and goods;
The border project model on electronic border management and information exchange between the customs authorities of the Republic of Belarus and Ukraine;
Financing the media and preparatory activities for the program.
- Investment Facility Mechanism: An innovative European Neighborhood Policy financial instrument that combines loans and grants to finance investments in the Neighborhood, with the primary objective of launching basic infrastructure projects that require significant financial resources, as well as supporting private sector development in the Neighborhood region[38];
- Nuclear Safety Mechanism: The Mechanism covers projects implemented in Central and Eastern Europe through technical assistance to the CIS, and the European Union committed €524 million to support the program during 2007/2013 [39].
The Governor in charge of Enlargement and European Neighborhood Policy, Stefan Fayol, stated that “upgrading the efficiency of borders not only contributes to the security of the countries concerned, but also opens future hopes related to trade and employment…” He adds: “I am pleased that these measures will provide the residents of the Eastern Partnership countries with new possibilities to earn their daily lives through what the frontier movement offers.
The Partnership and Cooperation Agreements form the legal basis for the EU’s relations with its eastern neighbourhood. These agreements, concluded since the late 1990s, aim to provide an appropriate framework for political dialogue with partner countries, support democratic reforms, achieve the transition to a market economy, and encourage trade and investment. Partnership and cooperation agreements also aim to provide a basis for cooperation in the legislative, economic, social, financial, scientific, civil, technological and cultural fields. It also enables the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement with Russia to create a suitable environment for the establishment of the future free trade area. Among the cooperative frameworks, we find cooperation in the Black Sea, which aims to encourage political and economic reforms and create an environment that is more conducive to conflict resolution. Cooperation in the Black Sea is centered around concrete initiatives that prioritize action in the areas of transport, energy, environment, marine management, fisheries, migration, combating organized crime, information society and cultural cooperation. The European Union has also established a new program of cross-border cooperation in which local authorities in the countries surrounding the Black Sea participate and supports the activities of civil society organizations. The area of regional cooperation in the East is also determined by the Eastern Regional Strategy Paper for the period between (2007/2013), priority areas for regional cooperation, which were approved by the European Commission (March 2007) [40]. We find that the European Union holds summit conferences at least every two years in normal circumstances. These meetings provide the political impetus for the development and advancement of the Eastern Partnership.
What is wrong with the European Neighborhood Policy and other initiatives is that they are strengthened by bilateral ties [42]. This formula is far from achieving the main goal to be achieved, which is stability. Therefore, the new financing mechanism stipulates a number of points related to the financing of regional or sub-regional cooperation programs between two or more partner countries with the participation of the latter, and the financing of cooperation programs for countries in the European Union, which means involving the member countries each in their space.
Fifth: The implications of the European Union’s eastern strategy
The process of expanding the borders of the European Union towards the east and the integration of the Soviet astronomy countries brought with it positive strategic gains on several levels. But the matter is not without fears, which can be considered as obstacles that may threaten the nature of the new union, which can be summarized in the following [43]:
- Political influences: Eastern migration towards Europe is similar to the Mediterranean [44], despite its economic benefits as cheap labor. However, it is a phenomenon that has an impact on the political level, as it has brought internal problems to European countries such as France, where the extreme right stands in the way of every tolerant government, and in Germany, the ruling parties refuse to grant citizenship to those who deserve it, especially Turks and Kurds, even though they represent a large part of the productive workforce in different industrial fields. As for Italy, the parties play the immigrant card to achieve political supremacy in a country where no party can achieve an absolute majority, not to mention the ethnic problems arising between the immigrant races themselves, or the presence of political groupings opposing countries that have good relations with Europe or the regimes in which they are governed.
- Economic influences: most notably the issues of the spread of corruption related to the trade in contraband, drugs and weapons, as well as the trade and smuggling of human beings. Eastern gangs in European countries found officials willing to engage in their operations for quick profit. Corruption networks have been discovered in Italy, Germany and France. Some believe that the Europeans are behind the human trade for their benefit to large companies that depend on cheap labor for their production or service operations. This is what makes the European Union lose its credibility before the world.
- Social and Cultural Influences: It is related to issues of transnational organized crime, the spread of infectious diseases, which cost the European treasury billions of dollars, in addition to ethnic and religious differences, as the European Union fears migrants despite its need for them. Which prompted him to adopt a retaliatory policy in dealing with ethnicities, especially Muslims (Turks, Albanians, Sanjaks and Bosniaks). The European Union, although made up of a disparate ethnic mix, its harsh treatment only emerged when the number of Muslim immigrants appeared on the horizon. We can notice this in two places: First, the statements of Italian Cardinal Giacomo Biffi, who called on the Italian authorities to prefer Catholics over Muslims, and said: “Most of the Muslims who came to Europe did not try to assimilate into our societies or imitate us, but rather came in the hope that they would make us like them.” Silvio Berlusconi, the former prime minister, praised these statements.
To address these concerns, the European Union has taken preventive measures, most notably [45]:
The institutional aspect: providing judicial and administrative support to the countries of origin, on top of which is the Balkans of Albania, which Europeans believe is the hole through which migrants leak. The support consists of training, educational, security, and judicial programs to prosecute human smugglers, and help keep them in their countries.
The political aspect: With a review of immigration laws and the right to political asylum, and a review of the Schengen Treaty after Europeans complained of loopholes in it that enable smugglers to continue their operations, this is what happened in Switzerland, Germany, Italy and Britain. As well as political containment by encouraging democracy and turning to a state of institutions as a means of economic reform and obtaining European support, for example, what happened in Slovenia and Croatia, and what was done previously in Poland, Hungary, Bulgaria and Romania, or in the form of partnership agreements and programs, as happened with the Balkan countries whereby Establishing investment and economic projects and training and rehabilitation programs for national workers instead of having to flee to the European Union.
The security aspect: It is represented by military containment within NATO or related programs such as Partnership for Peace, through which it is possible to raise the level of military and security performance in joint programs to combat organized crime. These countries benefit from the security expertise of NATO, by adding a security cordon or iron fence. ; Spain, in an attempt to stop the intrusion of migrants to its territory, has published an electronic border control project, which is able to monitor all movements on Spanish beaches through a series of radars planted along the beaches, and the European Union has entrusted Greece, Spain and Italy with the task of guarding the southern European borders of migrants.
The economic aspect: economic support in programs based on trying to bridge the fault points in the problems experienced by the Balkan countries and the European East, especially those related to the economic dimension, but this does not necessarily mean the absence of this aid provided to Eastern Europe in an attempt to reduce the economic and other deficit gaps.
Sixth: The effects of the British withdrawal on the arrangements of the European Union
On Thursday 23 June 2016, 52 percent of Britons voted to leave the European Union [46]. Voters’ attitudes varied clearly from one region to another in the United Kingdom, as England and Wales chose to leave the Union, while Scotland chose to remain, and the end result was the end of Britain’s membership in the Union, which lasted 43 years [47].
The most prominent concerns of the British withdrawal from the European Union are related to the fears of the spread of “withdrawal contagion”, because Britain’s exit would encourage other countries to follow the same path. It also recorded other concerns related to the rise of the right-wing extremist movement, which would exert more restrictions on immigrants, especially Arab and Muslim immigrants.
Among the immediate repercussions related to the British withdrawal [48], this decision caused a global earthquake, which was reflected in the regional and international reactions, and the great panic recorded by the financial markets, which, as a result of this shock, recorded a decline in the Asian stock exchanges and the price of the pound sterling, which reached its lowest level since 1985 The high yen. “It’s one of the biggest shocks to the markets in history,” said Joe Randell, analyst at ITX Capital Group. He added that “the whole world will feel the repercussions,” and stressed that “the extent of the damage is difficult to assess; But it will probably be the largest since the bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers in 2008. Oil was also affected by the general atmosphere, as a barrel of light oil (Light Sweet Crowd) lost $3.11, or 6.21 percent of its value, to $47.77. A barrel of Brent, the European reference oil, also declined for August delivery by $3.14, or 6.17 percent, to $47.77 [49].
But the matter does not stop there. In addition to the economic dangers, we find the political threat of the division of Britain itself of four peoples. Scotland threatens to raise the question of independence from Britain after the failure of the 2014 referendum. For supporters of Scottish independence, Brexit will be a golden opportunity that will not be missed. They publicly declare their desire to remain in the European Union, but Brexit itself will fully reflect this dilemma, and may put An end to the union with Britain, which was established in 1707. Add to this the risk of a return to border problems, between Northern Ireland, which is part of Britain, and southern Ireland, which is an independent country and a member of the European Union. And 40 percent of the economy of the relatively poor Northern Ireland is done with Southern Ireland, and the return of the customs wall, will greatly impede the movement of transportation, people and trade exchange [50].
Perhaps one of the most dangerous repercussions for the European Union is the rise of right-wing voices in other countries that wanted to follow Britain’s example, and even a number of its politicians called, without waiting, for a similar referendum. For example, Marine Le Pen, leader of the National Front in France, stated that the French also have the right to vote on their country’s relationship with the union, and that France has a thousand reasons to leave it, and the deputy leader of the French right-wing National Front, Florian Fribon, welcomed the results of the referendum, saying that he is happy The British are very likely to favor secession, as he sees in this that “the freedom of peoples triumphs in the end, well you did, our turn has come.” As for the extreme right-wing MP in the Dutch parliament, Geert Wilders, leader of the Freedom Party, he called for organizing a referendum in his country, like Britain, to decide the fate of membership in the European Union. The same thing went to Matteo Salvini, the leader of the “Northern League” in Italy, who expressed his admiration for what he described as “the courage of free citizens” in Britain [51]. On the other hand, we find that Eastern European countries, such as Poland and Hungary, despite their leaders’ fiery statements against the union, rule out their secession because they are currently receiving billions of euros from that union, which prevents them from thinking of leaving [52]. In contrast to the rise in the right-wing tide in the European Union countries, we find that immigration, in turn, constitutes an influential factor in the European schism, and is affected by it, especially in the face of the waves of refugees migrating from the Middle East and African countries to the European Union countries, which has increased the level of feeling within public opinion about the danger of harming the social and economic structure. This is reflected in the reception procedures for migrants and refugees and their conditions of residence, especially in light of some negative features recorded in the behavior of asylum migrants. On the other hand, we find that Eastern European countries, such as Poland and Hungary, despite their leaders’ fiery statements against the union, rule out their secession because they are currently receiving billions of euros from that union, which prevents them from thinking of leaving [52]. In contrast to the rise in the right-wing tide in the European Union countries, we find that immigration, in turn, constitutes an influential factor in the European schism, and is affected by it, especially in the face of the waves of refugees migrating from the Middle East and African countries to the European Union countries, which has increased the level of feeling within public opinion about the danger of harming the social and economic structure. This is reflected in the reception procedures for migrants and refugees and their conditions of residence, especially in light of some negative features recorded in the behavior of asylum migrants. On the other hand, we find that Eastern European countries, such as Poland and Hungary, despite their leaders’ fiery statements against the union, rule out their secession because they are currently receiving billions of euros from that union, which prevents them from thinking of leaving [52]. In contrast to the rise in the right-wing tide in the European Union countries, we find that immigration, in turn, constitutes an influential factor in the European schism, and is affected by it, especially in the face of the waves of refugees migrating from the Middle East and African countries to the European Union countries, which has increased the level of feeling within public opinion about the danger of harming the social and economic structure. This is reflected in the reception procedures for migrants and refugees and their conditions of residence, especially in light of some negative features recorded in the behavior of asylum migrants.
Perhaps the greatest concern is related to the extent to which the European unitary experience, as well as the EU’s enlargement arrangements, will be affected by the British withdrawal. The matter remains relative to this particular point, as the European Union has always seen Britain as an ally of transatlantic policies rather than continental issues, thus Britain has always been an element of European discord and an obstacle to the realization of its unitary policies. Therefore, the damages may be mostly economic than political, which puts on the European core countries the responsibility and the burden of building a new balance.
Conclusion
Daniel Kollar sees the demise of bipolarity and the emergence of unilateralism, the emergence of a new dynamic in the international system based on a tripartite interaction between (order, chaos, and eclecticism). At the regional level, the end of the Cold War (1989/1991) imposed on European countries common orientations regarding these new situations, within the framework of the dawn of a new world order of a positive nature after the collapse of the Berlin Wall, in a manner that takes into account the radical flow of threats and burdens created by developments on the European continent in Facing the post-Cold War world. The European Union launched this period through a unitary project that seeks through its expansion policy to the east and south in parallel with the NATO expansion project to influence the international map, as it is considered among the international forces qualified to play a polar role in international relations, as it possesses the elements of economic, military and technological power that It works to impose its will by participating in international decision-making.
For its part, Eurasia constitutes a region of interest with a global dimension that moves major global and regional powers in search of hegemony and expansion, which reinforces the logic of conflict over this vital global field, which may amount to a clash of wills in the region between geostrategic players, as Brzezinski calls them. Eurasia, based on the classic theses of geopolitical schools, remains strongly present in the twenty-first century. Perhaps the most important issue in the post-Cold War period to discuss the classic geopolitical schools and revive their concepts is Zbigniew Brzezinski’s book, entitled The Great Chessboard [53], which focuses on the importance of the “Eurasia” region as a central axis of global sovereignty, and the Eurasian oval-shaped chessboard extends, From Lisbon to Vladivostok.
We find the essence of the race to control the “Eurasia” region, which embodies the consolidation of global control by owning the heart of the world, which brings enormous and incalculable gains for the international party that wins it on all political, strategic and economic levels. Therefore, we find that the European side is ready to sacrifice its transatlantic relationship in order to achieve its Eurasian goals, which will enable it to achieve its international status through cooperation with the United States of America in order to besiege the Russian Federation to limit its growing capabilities in the stage of consolidating its deterrent power since the first era of Putin, trying to limit the capabilities of a rising China And also India. Sharing energy sources in the Middle East, especially the Gulf states and Iraq, access to the Caspian energy store to be an alternative to the energy of the Gulf Middle East.
As for the effects of the British withdrawal on the arrangements of the European Union, Britain is the big loser from its exit from the European Union, and on the list of its losses is the loss of its international standing, most notably its role in combating terrorist and extremist groups within the European Union, especially ISIS. Add to that the role you play as a spokesperson for Europe and as one of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council. This is in addition to the internal repercussions on Britain, economically and politically, which will threaten its stability with what was previously mentioned.
Perhaps the most prominent beneficiary of the withdrawal is Russia in particular, which is part of the European Union’s ambitious strategy at the end of its eastward expansion, to reach Russia and achieve the larger Eurasian dream, the United States of Europe, for Britain’s opposition to Russia against the backdrop of the Crimean annexation crisis, as it is the main supporter of sanctions against Moscow. As for the united European project that expands to the east, Britain’s exit is a liberation from the Atlantic tutelage sponsored by Britain, which is politically and strategically a new start in the medium term and after overcoming the economic repercussions of British secession.
Sources:
(*) This study was published in the Journal of Political Science, Issues 51-52, Summer-Fall 2016.
(**) Ratiba Bard: Research Professor in Political Science and International Relations, University of Tizi Ouzou – Algeria.
Email: ber_ratiba@hotmail.com
[1] “Eurasia,” the free encyclopedia, Wikipedia, <http://ar.wikipedia.org/wiki>.
[2] Ahmed Alo, “Russia, “The Heart of the World” is Failing Again,” El-Jaish Magazine, No. 262 (April 2007), <http://www.lebarmy.gov.lb/article.asp?ln=ar&id= 13966>.
[3] Mohamed El-Sayed Selim, “The Reality and Future of Alliances in Asia,” Al-Ahram Digital, citing International Politics, <http://digital.ahram.org.eg/articles.aspx?Serial=409097&eid=306> (accessed on 28 08/2012).
[4] Mahmoud Hafez, “Eurasia, the Heart of the World,” Al-Hiwar Al-Maddin, No. 2400 (September 10, 2008), <http://www.ahewar.org/debat/show.art.asp?aid=146605> (accessed) on 10/9/2008).
[5] Mustafa Sayej, “A lecture on the future of geopolitical conflicts (global sovereignty),” (University of Algiers, Department of Political Science and International Relations, December 20, 2008).
[6] Munther Bader Halloum, “Eurasia and the West: Reclaiming the Cold War,” Al-Hayat, 12/25/2011, <http://www.sauress.com/alhayat/343000> (accessed on 28/8/2012).
[7] Radoslav Strianovic, The Balkans in the International Balance Game, a Geopolitical Perspective, translated by Nazih Al-Shoufi.
[8] Fred Muhic, “Relationships of the Balkan Countries and Their Ethnicities with European Countries: Reality and Aspirations,” Al Jazeera Center for Studies (August 9, 2012), <http://studies.aljazeera.net/reports/2012/08/2012 89125547315628.htm>.
[9] Same source.
[10] Mustafa Alawi, “How does the world deal with the Arab revolutions?: Revolutionary models in the European/American space,” International Politics, Year 46, No. 184 (April 2011), p. 36.
[11] Ahmed Ismail, “Eastern Europe after the Cold War,” Al-Ahram Digital, quoted from: International Politics, <http://www.digital.ahram.org.eg/articles.aspx?Serial=221321&eid=17>.
[12] Poland (June 1989), Hungary (April 1990), Romania (May 1990), then Bulgaria and Czechoslovakia (June 1990), which split into the Czech Republic and Slovakia in 1993.
[13] Ismail, same source.
[14] Ali El-Sawy, “Parliamentary Reform in Eastern Europe: Basic Trends and Literary Readings,” in: Ibtisam Kamel and [others], Eastern Europe after the end of the Cold War, edited and presented by Mustafa Kamel El-Sayed (Cairo: Center for Studies and Research of Developing Countries, 2004). ), pg. 69.
[15] Ibtisam Kamel and Walaa Hanafi Sayed, “Economic and Social Transformations in Eastern Europe: The Most Important Features of Economic Transformation,” in: Kamel [and others], same source, pp. 239-247.
[16] In 1999, Poland attracted nearly $7.5 billion in foreign direct investment, making it the fifth most attractive country for investment after the United States, Britain, China and Brazil.
[17] Mustafa Ahmed Mustafa, “Economic Transformation in Eastern European Countries: The Role of Foreign Direct Investment,” in: Kamel [and others], same source, pp. 319-322.
[18] Ahmed Allo, “The European Union: The Strength of the Economy Is Not Translated by Politics,” El-Jaish Magazine, No. 313 (July 2011), <http://www.lebarmy.gov.lb/article.asp?ln=ar&id=28826 >.
[19] Muhammad Salama Al-Thneibat, “The Constitution of the European Union … An Independent European Identity,” <http://www.saher.org/arabic/books/4htm>.
[20] Hussein Omar, Economic Integration, The Song of the Contemporary World between Theory and Practice (Beirut: Dar al-Fikr al-Arabi, 1998), pp. 146-147.
[21] Bashar Khader, Europe for the Mediterranean: From the Barcelona Conference to the Paris Summit, 1995-2008, translated by Suleiman Al-Riyashi (Beirut: Center for Arab Unity Studies, 2010), pp. 202-203.
[22] He called it (Ole Weaver) the member states that chose not to participate (Opt-out European Members States).
[23] Western European Union, «European Security: A Common Concept of the 27th WEU Countries,» Bruxelles (November 1995), p. 04.
[24] Symposium on “Arab-European Relations from a Critical Perspective”, edited by Elhamy Al-Mirghani, Cairo: Arab and African Research Center in cooperation with the German Rosa Luxemburg Foundation, (23-25 February 2007).
[25] Mamoun Kiwan, “The European Union: The Controversy of Unity and Division,” Islamic Unity Journal, Year 11, No. 120 (December 2011), <http://www.wahdaislamyia.org/issues/120/mkiwan.htm> .
[26] Saleh Ziani, “The Objectives of Mediterranean Security Policy and the Implications of the Public Good in the Mediterranean,” (University of Batna, Department of Political Science, Algeria, 2013).
[27] Mohic, “Relationships of the Balkan Countries and Ethnicities with the Countries of Europe: Reality and Aspirations.”
[28] European trends are generally based on a three-pronged approach based on (integration, partnership and stability).
[29] The European Neighborhood Policy (Politique Européenne de Voisinage (PEV)) has been replaced by the Project on Neighborhood and Partnership (Programmes de voisinage et de partenariat (PVP)).
[30] “The European Neighborhood Policy,” <http://www.euromedrights.net>.
[31] Khader, Europe for the Mediterranean: From the Barcelona Conference to the Paris Summit, 1995-2008, pp. 183-184.
[32] Ibid., p. 184.
[33] The project was presented for the first time by the Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs with the participation of Sweden, and during the meeting of the Council on Foreign Relations on May 26, 2008.
[34] “Eastern Partnership”: Does the new EU program threaten Moscow’s interests?, <http://www.arabic.rt.com/news_all_news/info/28960> (accessed on 6/5/2009).
[35] “The European Neighborhood Dictionary,” <http://www.enpi-info.eu/list_projects_east.php?lang_id=450>.
[36] Ibid.
[37] European Commission, “New EU funding to improve border management and regional cooperation in the framework of the Eastern Partnership,” Press release, Brussels, 25 September 2012, <http://www.enpi -info.eu/main.php?id=385&id_type=2&lang_id=470>.
[38] «European neighborhood dictionary».
[39] Same source.
[40] <http://ec.europa/ue/europeaid/where/neighbourhood/regional-cooperation/enpi-east/index_en.htm>.
[41] <http://cor.europa.eu/en/activities/pages/corleap.aspx>.
[42] According to the formula (28+1), meaning the 28 EU countries for each neighboring country separately.
[43] Hamza Zoba’, “Do the Balkans Become slaves in the Courts of Europe?” Islam Online <http://www.islamenline.net/arabic/politics/2001/01/article4.shtlm#11#11>.
[44] In Italy there are about 1.5 million immigrants, including 400,000 Muslims from North Africa and Muslims from the Balkans. Germany has seen the largest number of asylum seekers fleeing Yugoslavia due to the war in Bosnia, reaching 438,191 in 1992. Only 5 percent were accepted, and the rest settled until a while, then were sent back to where they came. Spain has about 750,000 illegal immigrants from 90 countries. The number of immigrants and asylum seekers increased with the collapse of communism and the outbreak of war in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1993. As for Greece, despite its relative poverty compared to the rest of the European Union, 4,256 illegal immigrants were arrested in 2000.
[45] Zobaa, ibid.
[46] For the first time in the history of the European Union, one of its member states has voted to leave the European Union. This is what Britain did when the majority of its voters voted to leave the country in the referendum.
[47] “How do Arabs see Britain’s exit from the European Union?” BBC Arabic (24 June 2016), <http://www.bbc.com/arabic/interactivity/2016/06/160624>.
[48] Among the direct repercussions for Britain, we find that the pound sterling exchange rate fell to its lowest level since 1985, while the London Stock Exchange indices fell amid fears about the future of trade relations between Britain and the European Union after its exit from the European Union, and the possible consequences for the European single market Which is the largest economic grouping in the world, and receives nearly half of Britain’s exports.
[49] “Brexit of the European Union causes a global earthquake,” Al Khabar, <http://fibladi.dz/%D8%A7%D9>.
[50] Nizar Badran, “The Dissolution of the European Union or the United Kingdom?” Al-Araby Al-Jadeed, 22/6/2016, <https://www.alaraby.co.uk/opinion/2016/6/21>.
[51] “After Britain’s exit, calls for withdrawal are rising in several European countries,” Al-Khabar Online (24 June 2016), <http://www.elkhabar.com/press/article/107895/%D8%AF%D8. %B9%D>.
[52] Badran, ibid.
[53] Zbigniew Brzezinski, The Grand Chessboard: The American Priority and Its Geostrategic Requirements, translated by Amal Al-Sharqi (Amman: Al-Ahlia, 1999), d.
