Tunisia’s democracy totters as the president suspends parliament

SOME CHEERED it as a necessary intervention into a broken political system. Others called it a “coup”, the possible end of Tunisian democracy. No one is playing down the significance of President Kais Saied’s decision to enact Article 80 of the constitution, under which he suspended parliament for 30 days and dismissed the prime minister, Hichem Mechichi. Mr Saied also lifted members’ legal immunity, saying he would preside over the office handling the prosecution of parliamentarians.

The president’s decision, delivered late on July 25th in his customarily awkward style, came after a day of protests spread across the country. Tens of thousands of Tunisians, braving the sweltering heat and defying a covid-19 lockdown, called for the downfall of the government. Some attacked the offices of Ennahda, the biggest party in parliament. After Mr Saied’s announcement, many of the protesters again took to the streets—to celebrate (pictured).

Tunisia is the one true democracy to emerge from the Arab spring protests of 2010-11 that toppled dictators in a handful of countries. But it has struggled in the decade since. Ten governments in ten years have failed to stem corruption or revitalise the economy. Covid-19 has added to the strain. The government declared victory over the virus in June last year. Now Tunisia is suffering a new spike in cases. The health service has collapsed. Oxygen supplies are at a premium. About 200 people (out of a population of 12m) are dying each day from the disease.

Earlier this month the government opened dozens of centres offering covid-19 vaccines. Large crowds showed up expecting to be jabbed, only to find chaos, confusion and widespread rumours of vaccine shortages. The dismissal of the health minister did little to appease an angry public—nor did the prime minister’s claim of ignorance over the operation. In a harbinger of things to come, Mr Saied stepped in, asking the army to assume management of the country’s pandemic response.

Mr Saied’s latest move has met condemnation from some of Tunisia’s political parties, while others were still formulating a response. Ennahda, a party with its roots in the Muslim Brotherhood (a regional Islamist movement) which now styles itself “Muslim democratic”, called the move “a coup against the Tunisian democracy and its constitution”. Rachid Ghannouchi, the party’s leader and speaker of parliament, was barred by the army from entering the chamber on July 26th. That morning he and his supporters staged a sit-in outside. Later in the day the police in Tunis stormed the office of Al Jazeera, a media outlet seen as sympathetic to Ennahda.

Tunisia’s politicians have little chance of swaying the overwhelmingly popular Mr Saied, who was elected two years ago as a protest against the political class. A former constitutional-law professor with no previous political experience, he won with 73% of the vote, drawing support from young Tunisians and others who viewed him as incorruptible. The same election produced a fractious and divided parliament, with no party or coalition claiming a majority. Mr Saied has attempted to play a larger role in domestic policy, previously the preserve of the prime minister and government. Since January the president has refused to swear in 11 new ministers.

It is no secret that Mr Saied, who helped to write Tunisia’s constitution (but later criticised it), wants to upend the political system. He would like the president to have more power and to do away with political parties and some elections. Instead, he suggests that Tunisians should elect local delegates, based on their merit, not their ideology. These delegates would appoint regional representatives, who would then appoint members of a national assembly. According to the constitution, two-thirds of parliament would need to approve any revision of the document.

What Mr Saied has planned for the near term is unclear. He has claimed the power to extend the 30-day suspension of parliament “until the situation settles down”. For now he says he will assume executive authority with the help of a new prime minister, whom he will select. (On July 26th he also dismissed the defence minister and acting justice minister.) The Tunisian General Labour Union, the country’s largest, has come out in support of Mr Saied’s moves, so long as they come with constitutional guarantees that state institutions will return.

But Tunisia’s sprawling bureaucracy looks to parliament for direction. It is not clear how Mr Saied, a member of no party, will enact the changes he desires. He faces an immediate challenge in managing Tunisia’s relationship with the IMF. The government had been negotiating a much-needed loan from the fund, which may now think twice about making any commitment.